YALE 

HISTORICAL   PUBLICATIONS 

MISCELLANY 

III 

ISSUED  UNDER  THE  DIRECTION  OF  THE 
DEPARTMENT  OF  HISTORY 


THE  SECOND  VOLUME  PUBLISHED  ON  THE 

FOUNDATION  ESTABLISHED  BY  THE 

KINOSLEY  TRUST  ASSOCIATION 


JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

IN 

NEW  ENGLAND 


BY 
WILLIAM  A.   ROBINSON,  PH.D. 


Assistant  Professor  of  Political  Science 
in  Washington  University 


THIS  ESSAY  WON  THE  JOHN  ADDISON  PORTER  PRIZE 
YALE  UNIVERSITY,  1913 


NEW  HAVEN:  YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON:   HUMPHREY  MILFORD 

OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

MDCCCCXVI 


COPYRIGHT,  1916 
BY  THE  KlNGSLEY  TRUST  ASSOCIATION 


Published  October,  1916 
Four  hundred  and  fifty  copies  printed  from  type 


PREFACE 

Although  New  England  history  since  1789  has  for  the 
most  part  received  much  less  study  than  the  Colonial  and 
Revolutionary  periods,  one  topic,  Federalism,  has  re- 
ceived exceptional  attention.  The  opposition,  however, 
has  been  neglected.  The  New  England  branch  of 
Thomas  Jefferson 's  party  hacfr  certain  disadvantages. 
Its  opponent  was  the  party  of  wealth  and  culture  whose 
members  wrote  the  great  controversial  papers,  delivered 
the  memorable  orations,  and  edited  the  ablest  news- 
papers and  pamphlets  of  the  day.  It  had  few  leaders 
of  outstanding  ability  and  personality  to  interest  the 
biographer.  Furthermore  the  bitter  partisanship  of  the 
age  has  in  some  cases  passed  into  subsequent  histories 
and  biographies,  with  advantage  to  the  Federalists. 
Nevertheless,  the  New  England  Republicans  performed 
important  services,  both  local  and  national,  in  a  period 
full  pf  domestic  and  foreign  difficulties.  The  following 
study  was  begun  at  the  suggestion  of  Professor  Allen 
Johnson  and  carried  on  under  his  direction  while  the 
author  was  a  student  in  the  Graduate  School  of  Yale 
University.  In  its  original  essay  form  it  was  awarded 
in  1913  the  John  Addison  Porter  prize,  established  by  the 
Kingsley  Trust  Association  (Scroll  and  Key  Society  of 
Yale  College).  It  has  subsequently  been  revised  and  en- 
larged. The  author  takes  this  opportunity  to  express  his 
deep  appreciation  of  Professor  Johnson's  interest  and 
assistance  at  all  stages  of  the  work.  Material  for  the 
study  has  been  found  in  various  New  England  libraries. 
The  authorities  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 


349313 


VI 


PREFACE 


the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  the  Massachusetts 
State  Library,  the  Boston  Athenaeum,  and  the  Yale 
University  Library  have  given  valuable  assistance  which 
is  gratefully  acknowledged. 


CONTENTS 

Preface v 

Chapter  I 

Political  Conditions  in  New  England,  1789-1797        1 

Chapter  II 
t/The  Growth  of  Republicanism,  1797-1800  .         .       14 

Chapter  III 
t/  v/^he  Growth  of  Eepublicanism,  1800-1807  .         .       36 

Chapter  IV 
•Party  Methods 52 

Chapter  V 
,/The  Federalist  Reaction,  1808-1815  ...       76 

Chapter  VI 

The  Party  Basis     .         .         .         .         .         .95 

Chapter  VII 

Republicanism  and  Religious  Liberty        .         .     128 

Chapter  VIII 

The    National    Significance    of    New    England 

Republicanism    .         .          .         .         .         .     151 

Chapter  IX 

Party  Distribution  .         .         .         .  .     160 

Bibliography         .......     173 

Index  .  181 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


A.  Party  Distribution,  1811 

B.  Legislative  Votes  on  Religious  Liberty   . 


162 
163 


/.    Party  Distribution,  Massachusetts,  1797,  1802, 

1807 164 

>.    Party  Distribution,  District  of  Maine,  1797, 

1802,  1807       .         .  165 


CHAPTER  I 


POLITICAL    CONDITIONS    IN    NEW    ENGLAND, 

1789-1797 

By  the  adoption  of  a  national  constitution  and  the 
inauguration  of  the  new  government  in  1789  the  scope 
of  political  activity  in  the  United  States  was  infi- 
nitely enlarged.  Party  history,  in  the  modern  sense, 
dates  from  this  time.  But  in  the  earlier  stages,  party 
development  is  hard  to  trace.  There  is,  as  in  Homer's 
description  of  a  battle,  a  great  deal  about  the  words 
and  actions  of  the  leaders  and  little  about  the  rank 
and  file.  This,  however,  is  due  to  existing  conditions 
and  it  took  several  years  for  leaders  to  build  up  and 
organize  their  followers  into  great  parties  extending 
throughout  the  Union.  The  men  who  met  in  the  first 
two  Congresses  to  transact  the  business  of  the  new 
nation  were  divided  into  opposing  factions  at  a  very 
early  date;1  their  constituents  followed  their  example. 
In  some  cases  party  divisions  already  existed  and  were 
continued  under  new  names;  in  others,  divisions 
occurred  during  Washington's  administrations. 

New  England  was  a  region  where  national  parties 
were  slow  to  develop.  There  had  been  in  the  past  party 
divisions  extending  throughout  the  region.  The  quar- 
rels with  the  mother  country  during  the  colonial  era  had 

i  Fisher  Ames  described  the  members  of  the  House  as  containing, 
among  other  types,  a  body  of  ' '  violent  republicans,  as  they  think  fit  to 
style  themselves,  who  are  new  lights  in  politics,  who1  would  make  not  the 
law  but  the  people  king,"  etc.  Ames  to  Minot,  July  8,  1789.  Works  of 
Fisher  Ames,  I,  62. 


2       JEFFERSON  JAN  DEMOCRACY 

divided  people  into  the  Whigs  and  Tories  of  the  Revo- 
lution, but  the  result  of  the  war  was  the  elimination  of 
the  minority  party.  Its  most  influential  members  went 
to  Canada,  those  who  were  left,  at  first  sullen  and 
resentful,  gradually  became  reconciled  to  independence 
and  republican  government.  The  Revolutionary  War 
created  the  same  disturbances  that  have  followed  our 
other  wars.  There  was  the  usual  distress  caused  by 
destruction  of  life  and  property,  the  usual  difficulty  in 
meeting  payment  of  debts,  the  usual  amount  of  specu- 
lation. 

The  appearance  of  the  paper  money  parties  was 
due  to  the  hard  times  which  began  soon  after  the  resto- 
ration of  peace,  and  New  England  suffered  as  severely 
as  any  part  of  the  country  from  the  activity  of 
these  factions.  In  Massachusetts  the  Shays  Rebellion 
marked  the  culmination  of  this  movement,  while  in 
Rhode  Island  its  strength  was  sufficient  to  keep  the  state 
out  of  the  Union  until  1790.  The  adoption  of  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution  was  a  great  victory  for  the  advocates 
of  honest  money  and  efficient  government.  Their  oppo- 
nents in  most  cases  accepted  the  result  and  supported 
the  new  government  without  question. 

For  several  years  following  1789,  New  England  poli- 
tics seem  to  have  been  devoid  of  excitement.  There  was 
little  inducement  to  form  parties  in  local  matters.  The 
town  meeting  handled  a  great  deal  of  the  public  business 
most  closely  touching  affairs  of  the  ordinary  citizen. 
The  state  governments  had  but  a  narrow  range  of  activ- 
ity and  the  number  of  state  officials  was  small.  An 
examination  of  New  England  legislative  enactments  for 
this  period  shows  few  matters  involving  principles  on 
which  parties  might  form;  indeed,  until  1810,  most  of 
the  divisions  recorded  in  the  journals  of  the  New  Eng- 
land legislatures  are  on  resolutions  pertaining  to 


CONDITIONS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND  3 

national  affairs.2  A  New  York  newspaper  records  as  an 
example  of  the  weighty  business  transacted  by  the  Con- 
necticut legislature,  that  the  greater  part  of  a  session 
was  once  devoted  to  a  debate  on  the  advisability  of  laying 
a  tax  on  dogs,  and  a  subsequent  legislature  devoted 
almost  as  much  time  to  debating  its  removal.3 

There  is  little  or  no  trace  of  party  in  the  election  of 
the  state  governors.  In  Massachusetts  there  was  a  long- 
continued  struggle  between  the  supporters  of  James 
Bowdoin  and  John  Hancock,  which  gives  a  more  modern 
aspect  to  the  politics  of  that  state.4  There  were  politi- 
cal divisions  in  the  other  states,  to  be  sure,  but  these 
were  usually  of  a  temporary  character,  as,  for  example, 
that  in  Vermont,  which  in  1789  interrupted  for  a  year 
Thomas  Chittenden's  tenure  of  the  governorship.5  Once 
the  disorders  of  the  Confederation  were  over,  the  long 
terms  of  the  governors  are  a  political  characteristic  of 
New  England.6 

Interest  in  voting  was  not  great.  Property  qualifica- 
tions existed  in  all  the  states  except  Vermont,  but  only 
a  small  proportion  of  those  qualified  availed  themselves 

2  AUSTIN,  Life  of  Elbridge  Gerry,  II,  322.  "The  limited  legislation 
of  the  states  gives  rise  to  few  questions  of  high  character.  The  general 
policy  of  all  parties  is  in  most  respects  the  same  in  time  of  peace. " 

a  Eepublican  Watch  Tower.  Quoted  by  American  Mercury,  January  29, 
1801.  William  Plumer,  in  a  letter  to  Jeremiah  Smith,  January  4,  1793, 
discussing  the  last  session  of  the  New  Hampshire  legislature,  writes  that 
"much  time  has  been  spent  to  compel  people  to  have  their  sleds  and  sleys 
of  a  particular  width;  but  the  bills  were  eventually  lost."  MSS.,  I,  215. 

*  A  detailed  study  of  these  factions  is  given  by  A.  E.  Morse  in  The 
Federalist  Party  in  Massachusetts  to  the  Year  1800. 

5  THOMPSON,  Civil  History  of  Vermont,  86. 

«  Some  of  the  more  notable  examples  of  long  tenure  of  office  in  this 
period  are,  Thomas  Chittenden,  Vermont,  1777-1796,  with  the  exception  of 
the  year  1789-1790;  Arthur  Fenner,  Rhode  Island,  1790-1804;  John  T.  Gil- 
man,  New  Hampshire,  1794-1805,  1813-1816;  Caleb  Strong,  Massachusetts, 
1800-1807,  1812-1816;  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Connecticut,  1798-1809. 


4  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

of  the  privilege.7  This  was  especially  true  of  Con- 
necticut. State  officers  were  voted  on  at  the  close  of 
town  meeting  and  large  numbers  left  as  soon  as  the  local 
business  was  transacted.8  In  1793  a  newspaper  writer 
complained  that  the  chief  magistrates  were  often  chosen 
by  one  twentieth  of  the  legal  voters,  and  because  of  this 
lack  of  interest  "the  tools  and  connections  of  those  who 
seek  for  office  are  left  to  execute  their  designs  unmo- 
lested/' The  result  was  that  a  few  families  who  had 
assumed  leadership  during  the  Eevolution — not  out  of 
sympathy  for  the  cause,  but  for  self-aggrandizement — 
had  acquired  an  unrepublican  ascendancy  and  were 
inclined  to  regard  any  opposition  as  "actual  rebellion 
against  the  reigning  powers."9 

In  New  Hampshire,  William  Plumer  noticed  that  in 
the  course  of  his  career  the  interest  of  the  mass  of  the 
people  in  political  matters  had  steadily  grown,  and  that 
the  number  of  voters  had  risen  from  the  proportion  of 
one  vote  to  seventeen  inhabitants  in  1790,  to  one  to  eleven 
in  1800,  and  to  one  to  six  in  1816.10  It  was  a  New  Eng- 
land boast  that  they  had  long  been  free  from  the 
electioneering  disorders  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  South. 

i  LUETSCHER,  Early  Political  Machinery  in  the  United  States,  25. 

s  GREENE,  Development  of  Keligious  Liberty  in  Connecticut,  401.  Plumer 
comments  on  decision  of  the  New  Hampshire  legislature  to  choose  presi- 
dential electors  at  joint  session,  opposed  by  the  "antis"  as  "a  violation  of 
liberty, "  ''The  law  will  create  little  uneasiness  in  the  people  for  few  of 
them  attend  the  elections."  According  to  Plumer  at  the  last  election  2500 
votes  made  a  choice  for  electors  as  compared  with  nearly  17,000  cast  for 
governor.  MSS.,  I,  428.  Plumer  to  Smith,  June  14,  1800. 

9  Am.  Mercury,  April   1,  1793.     "  Algernon   Sydney."      (This  was  the 
common  signature  of  Gideon  Granger.)     Ibid.,  April   15,  see  a  reply  by 
"Hamden,"  in  which  reference  is  made  to  the  "tyrants  of  this  state." 
The  following  comment  expresses  the  same  idea:  "To  revive  the  (almost 
dormant)  principles  of  the  Eevolution  and  excite  an  universal  attention  to 
the  duty  of  election  is  an  undertaking  which  the  immortal  Sydney  would 
not  have  been  ashamed  to  acknowledge. ' ' 

10  PLUMER,  Life  of  William  Plumer,  432. 


CONDITIONS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND  5 

In  national  politics  as  well  there  is  little  evidence  of 
party.  In  Massachusetts  there  were  traces  of  Anti- 
federalist  and  Shays  influence  in  some  places  and  two 
Anti-federalists,  Elbridge  Gerry  and  Jonathan  Grout, 
were  chosen  members  of  the  first  Congress.  But  party 
lines  were  not  clearly  drawn,  as  is  shown  by  the  large 
number  of  candidates  presenting  themselves  and  the 
difficulty,  persisting  for  many  years,  in  securing  a 
majority  for  any  one.11  After  1800  party  organization 
tended  to  do  away  with  this  difficulty. 

In  view  of  the  probability  that  most  of  the  men 
chosen  to  our  first  two  Congresses  were  not  party  men, 
the  subsequent  affiliations  of  some  of  them  may  be  of 
interest.  New  Hampshire  included  in  her  delegation 
John  Langdon  and  Nicholas  Gilman,  both  signers  of  the 
Federal  Constitution  and  both  Republicans  at  a  later 
day.  In  Massachusetts  the  state  senate  was  in  control 
of  the  growing  anti-Hancock  faction,  which  had  suc- 
ceeded in  securing  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  in 
the  face  of  strenuous  opposition.  They  secured  the 
election  to  the  United  States  Senate  of  men  afterwards 
famous  as  staunch  Federalists.12  Of  the  representatives 
chosen,  Gerry  was  the  only  one  of  note  who  became  a 
Republican.  Rhode  Island  elected  as  her  first  repre- 
sentative the  leader  of  the  Anti-federalist  faction,  Benja- 
min Bourne,13  who  was  later  a  Federalist.  Her  senators, 
Joseph  Stanton  and  Theodore  Foster,  both  became 

11  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  63,  67.  Conditions  in  New  Hampshire 
were  similar.  Plumer's  comment  on  the  approaching  congressional  elec- 
tion of  1790.  MSS.,  I,  161.  "The  people  appear  divided  and  trifles  light 
as  air  unite  and  divide  them."  At  the  next  election  William  Page  writes 
to  Plumer,  June  26,  1792,  ' '  All  was  confusion — the  parties  were  not  formed 
for  electing  members  to  Congress,"  etc.,  211. 

•12  Hid.,  64. 

is  F.  G.  BATES,  Ehode  Island  and  the  Formation  of  the  Union,  181. 


6  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

Republicans.  Connecticut  was  a  state  where  Anti-fed- 
eralism had  been  insignificant  in  extent14  and  the  state 
naturally  fell  into  control  of  men  who  sympathized 
heartily  with  the  new  Federalism  of  the  Washington 
administration.15  Vermont  was  admitted  to  the  Union 
in  1791,  and  it  is  of  special  interest  to  note  that  the  four 
men  first  sent  to  the  national  government  were  all  promi- 
nent Republicans  by  1796.16  While  an  opposition  party 
in  Congress  began  at  an  early  date,  its  membership  was 
not  constant  and  it  was  common  for  members  to  vote 
with  both  sides. 

An  address  to  the  electors  of  Connecticut  in  1790 
shows  clearly  the  absence  of  party  principles  in  a  con- 
gressional election.  Representatives  were  chosen  on  a 
general  ticket  in  this  state.  The  voters  are  urged  to 
keep  in  mind  the  fact  that  their  congressmen  will  not 
merely  represent  the  state,  but  act  for  the  nation.  They 
should  choose  the  best  speakers  in  the  state,  men  of 
good  character  who  are  thirty-five  or  forty  years  of 
age.  Two  of  them  should  have  a  good  knowledge 
of  commerce.  Lastly — "  avoid  too  much  veneration  for 

I*LIBBY,  Geographical  Distribution  of  the  Vote  of  the  Thirteen  States 
on  the  Federal  Constitution  1787-1788,  14. 

IB  Between  1789  and  1815  only  one  member  from  Connecticut  fell 
under  suspicion  of  disaffection.  This  was  Joshua  Coit,  elected  in  1794.  In 
the  course  of  the  difficulties  with  France  he  several  times  voted  with  the 
Bepublicans,  stirring  up  great  indignation  in  the  state  (Connecticut  Cour- 
ant,  July  10,  1797).  In  1798  he  was  defeated  for  renomination  and  died 
soon  after  (Courant,  July  23,  September  3,  1798).  The  following  appears 
in  the  Columbian  Centinel,  September  15,  1798:  "Coit  by  his  vote  once 
made  himself  the  theme  of  Jacobin  eulogy.  ...  In  the  nomination  list 
he  was  left  far  in  the  rear  and  it  has  pleased  God  now  to  remove  him  from 
the  cares  of  this  world.'* 

i«  Most  of  the  facts  in  regard  to  the  New  England  members  have  been 
drawn  from  Appleton's  Cyclopedia  of  American  Biography. 

Good  short  sketches  of  the  Vermont  members  are  given  by  J.  G.  ULLERY, 
Men  of  Vermont. 


CONDITIONS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND  7 

family  names."17  This  document  presents  a  striking 
contrast  to  the  electioneering  literature  produced  a  few 
years  later. 

Party  names  are  not  much  in  evidence  during  these 
years.  The  supporters  of  the  measures  of  the  national 
government  were  in  a  majority  of  cases  the  same  that 
had  favored  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  in  1788, 
and  they  continued  to  call  themselves  Federalists. 
Their  opponents  styled  themselves  Eepublicans,  though 
there  was  not  any  clear  agreement  as  to  what  entitled  a 
man  to  use  this  term.  Thus,  when  the  Independent 
Chronicle  of  Boston  attempted  to  gloss  over  Clinton's 
sharp  practices  in  the  New  York  election  of  1792  and 
styled  him  "a  staunch  Republican,"  the  rival  Columbian 
Centinel  remarked:  "The  term  has  so  often  been 
applied  in  this  paper  to  Anti-federalists,  Insurgents, 
State  Demagogues  and  professed  enemies  to  the  union 
of  our  common  country,  that  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain 
its  precise  meaning. ' n8  In  the  previous  year  an  address 
to  the  electors  of  the  Bristol  district  of  Massachusetts 
notes  the  fact  that  Phanuel  Bishop  (a  former  Anti- 
federalist)  was  making  enemies  by  "his  firmness  in  the 
cause  of  republicanism."19  The  use  by  the  Federalists 
of  the  terms  Jacobin  and  Democrat  to  denote  their 
opponents  becomes  common  in  1793,  when  interest  in 
the  French  Revolution  reached  its  height. 

The  enactments  of  the  first  two  Congresses  seem  to 

IT  Am.  Mercury,  September  6,  1790.  For  a  similar  address,  United  States 
Chronicle,  August  2,  1792. 

is  July  28,  1798. 

is  U.  S.  Chronicle,  July  14,  1791. 

A  writer  in  the  Connecticut  Courant,  September  17,  1792,  gives  an 
account  of  a  meeting  with  "one  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  disciples — who  calls 
himself  a  true  republican. ' '  He  tells  how  decisively  he  defeated  the 
11  democratical  Jeff  ersonian  M  in  an  argument  relative  to  the  position  of  the 
"  well-born  "  in  a  republic. 


8  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

have  been  received  in  New  England  with  little  opposi- 
tion. New  Hampshire  for  local  reasons  opposed  the 
funding  system  and  the  assumption  of  state  debts. 
There  is  some  evidence  of  grumbling  at  the  extrava- 
gance of  Congress  which  had  voted  itself  six  dollars  a 
day  salary  and  was  suspected  of  showing  a  desire  to 
imitate  the  grandeur  of  Parliament.20  The  excise  law 
which  aroused  such  opposition  in  some  quarters  was 
received  with  indifference  in  New  England,  whose 
inhabitants  had  been  used  to  similar  taxation  under 
state  authority.21 

The  general  tone  of  the  New  England  press  during 
these  years  is  one  of  indifference  to  political  agitations 
and  in  the  occasional  reviews  of  conditions  throughout 
the  Union,  growing  commerce  and  good  business  are 
emphasized  as  characteristic  of  the  time,  as  contrasted 
with  hard  times  and  ill  feeling  in  the  past.22  The  out- 
break of  the  war  in  Europe  was  expected  to  greatly 
benefit  the  American  provision  trade  and  to  make  Ameri- 
can ships  the  chief  carriers  of  the  world's  commerce.23 
But  in  1792  the  increasing  acrimony  of  politics  can  be 
clearly  seen,  and  complications  growing  out  of  the  for- 
eign situation  soon  became  serious. 

20  Am.  Mercury,  September  21,  October  19,  1789. 

21  Conn.   Courant,   December   31,   1792.     It  is   interesting  to   note   that 
the   Chief   Justice   of   the   United    States    while    on    the    Vermont    circuit 
entered  into   an  elaborate  explanation  and   defense  of  the  excise  law,  in 
an  address  to  the  grand  jury  at  Bennington.     See  Col.  Centinel,  July  28, 
1792.    Some  sympathy  for  the  Whiskey  Rebellion  was  expressed  in  Vermont. 
See  Col.  Centinel,  September  15,  1794. 

22  See  ' '  political  sketch  of  conditions  throughout  the  country ' '  quoted 
from  U.  S.  Gazette  by  U.  S.  Chronicle,  September  1,  8,  1791.     The  second 
of  these  articles  has  some  excellent  information  on  Massachusetts.     Also, 
Hid.,  May  16,  1793;  also  Col.  Centinel,  May  16,  1792. 

23  U.  S.  Chronicle,  March  7,  1793.     Conn.  Courant,  December  8,  1792. 
' '  No  matter  what  the  issue  of  the  French  contest  may  be  it  will  favor  the 
United  States.    .    .    .    Refugees  will  contribute  to  the  prosperity  of  our 
country. ' ' 


CONDITIONS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND  9 

The  re-election  of  the  Vice-President  in  1792  is  gen- 
erally regarded  as  the  first  great  test  of  national  party 
strength.  In  this  New  England  showed  decided  una- 
nimity and  every  electoral  vote  of  the  section  was  cast 
for  John  Adams.  There  is  some  scattered  evidence  that 
party  feeling  was  increasing.  "Political  heresies  are 
gaining  ground  among  us,"  declares  a  writer  in  the 
Columbian  Centinel,  August  22,  1792.  "Itinerant  Jaco- 
bins" were  said  to  be  holding  forth  in  the  barrooms  of 
Ehode  Island  and  Vermont  and  endeavoring  to  stir  up 
opposition.24  But  the  activity  of  this  year  seems  to  be 
that  of  the  politician,  not  of  the  people  at  large.  '  '  They 
have  piped,  but  the  people  would  not  dance,"  declared 
the  Connecticut  Courant.25  The  vote  for  Adams  was 
regarded  with  considerable  satisfaction.  The  opposi- 
tion had  expected  to  gain  support  from  Hancock  in 
Massachusetts  and  Anti-federalist  Ehode  Island  had 
been  counted  on.  Vermont,  whose  representatives  in 
Congress  had  shown  radical  tendencies,  was  also 
expected  to  vote  against  Adams,  but  her  electors  had 
been  Federal.26 

The  effects  of  the  foreign  complications  of  1793  on 
American  politics  have  been  too  frequently  stated  to 
need  any  repetition.  They  were  much  the  same  in  New 
England  as  in  the  rest  of  the  country.  The  New  Eng- 
landers  were  perhaps  less  given  to  sentimental  enthu- 

24  Am.  Mercury,  December  31,  1792.     The  paper  gives  some  of  the  sub- 
jects of  their  lectures:   "On  the  proper  discipline  of  a  file  leader — how 
to  make  men  follow  their  file  leader. "     "The  best  method  of  recovering 
popularity — vote  against  all  grants  of  money,  vote  against  every  grant  of 
money. ' ' 

25  December  31,  1792.    As  late  as  1796  Plumer  writes  to  Jeremiah  Smith, 
August    12:    "We    are    divided    into    two    parties,    Federalists    and    anti- 
federalists.    .    .    .    They    [Langdon   and   others   of   the  latter  party]    are 
taking  infinite  pains  but  the  electors  are  too  sensible  to  be  duped  by  their 
artifices."    MSS.,  I,  307. 

2«  Conn.  Courant,  February  11,  1793. 


10  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

siasm  than  the  people  of  other  sections,  but  there  was 
abundant  sympathy  for  the  French  Revolution,  and 
after  1793  equally  vehement  dislike.  The  Democratic 
societies  made  their  appearance  as  elsewhere,  but  their 
chief  seats  of  activity  were  Boston  and  western  Ver- 
mont.27 The  formation  of  these  societies  introduced  a 
new  vigor  into  elections  and  the  immediate  effect  was 
a  marked  increase  in  voting  and  general  interest  in  pub- 
lic affairs.  The  measures  necessitated  by  the  adminis- 
tration's attempt  to  preserve  neutrality  furnished  topics 
which  were  of  interest  to  the  citizens  in  every  part  of 
the  Union.  There  was  now  no  question  as  to  the  exist- 
ence of  real  parties. 

The  political  effect  of  the  presence  of  a  Democratic 
club  was  nowhere  clearer  than  in  Boston,  and  in  1794 
there  took  place  in  this  district  the  most  exciting  con- 
gressional contest  that  had  yet  occurred  in  New  Eng- 
land— that  between  Fisher  Ames  and  Dr.  Charles  Jarvis. 
A  comparison  of  the  candidates  published  in  the  Inde- 
pendent Chronicle  is  an  interesting  contrast  to  election- 
eering productions  of  earlier  years.  Ames  was  an  advo- 
cate of  measures  extending  the  powers  of  the  supreme 
executive  magistrate;  he  was  a  panegyrist  on  British 
friendship ;  he  had  denounced  a  gallant  nation  now  strug- 
gling for  liberty ;  in  the  constitutional  convention  he  had 
declared  "democracy  is  a  volcano. "  His  opponent, 
Dr.  Jarvis,  had,  during  his  career  in  the  legislature, 
"made  the  rights  of  man  his  pole  star."  He  had  invari- 
ably supported  Republican  measures;  he  had  opposed 

27  The  best  account  of  the  Democratic  clubs  is  in  HAZEN,  American 
Opinion  of  the  French  Eevolution,  188-229. 

See  also  LUETSCHER,  Early  Political  Machinery,  32-62. 

Spooner's  Vermont  Journal,  November  18,  1796,  has  an  account  of 
the  clubs  of  western  Vermont.  It  mentions  the  fact  that  such  organiza- 
tions never  appeared  east  of  the  Green  Mountains. 


CONDITIONS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND  11 

consolidating  the  state  governments  by  making  them  sub- 
ject to  the  suits  of  individuals  or  to  make  Massachusetts 
subservient  to  monarchy  by  the  purchase  of  stock  in  the 
national  bank.28  Ames  won  by  a  narrow  margin. 

A  new  political  development  at  this  time  is  apparent  in 
the  increased  interest  shown  in  the  conduct  of  representa- 
tives, and  there  seems  to  be  a  new  disposition  to  criti- 
cise votes  in  Congress  as  a  matter  of  real  interest  to 
the  constituent.29  In  the  fall  of  1794,  twenty-three  New 
England  representatives  signed  a  document  explaining 
and  defending  their  conduct  during  the  previous  session.80 

The  question  of  English  relations  was  of  course  a 
phase  of  foreign  policy  and  naturally  emphasized  the 
differences  between  the  friends  and  opponents  of  a 
French  alliance.  The  great  feature  of  English  relations 
was  the  Jay  Treaty  which  became  public  in  June,  1795, 
and  almost  at  once  a  matter  of  controversy  as  intense 
as  that  following  the  Proclamation  of  Neutrality.  Only 
two  New  England  senators  voted  against  its  adoption, 
Langdon  of  New  Hampshire  and  Eobinson  of  Vermont, 
both  becoming  at  once  the  theme  of  eulogy  or  abuse. 
Popular  interest  in  the  treaty  was  manifest  in  the  num- 
ber of  resolutions  passed  in  approval  or  condemnation. 
Bentley  records  that  the  Essex  militia  appeared  at 
review  with  "Treaty"  or  "No  Treaty "  marked  on  their 

28  Independent  Chronicle,  October  27,  1794.     The  Boston  papers  of  the 
day  contain  a  great  deal  of  electioneering  material.     See  also  MORSE,  Fed. 
Party  in  Mass.,  148.    Works  of  Fisher  Ames,  146-151,  passim.    LUETSCHER, 
Early  Political  Machinery,  59. 

29  Col.  Centinel,  April  30,  1794,  contains  an  attack  on  Henry  Dearborn 
for  his  support  of  measures  which  would  ruin  the  commerce  of  the  District 
of  Maine. 

so  Col.  Centinel,  October  25,  1794.  In  the  same  issue  mention  is  made 
that  four  New  England  representatives,  Dearborn,  J.  S.  Sherburne,  Nicholas 
Oilman,  and  Wm.  Lyman,  had  "  enlisted  under  the  banners  of  Southern 
representation. ' ' 


12  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

knapsacks.31  But  the  chief  interest  in  the  treaty  is  as  a 
party  test  and  since  1793  there  had  been  a  growing 
tendency  to  judge  candidates  by  their  attitude  on 
national  questions.32 

Party  divisions  were  steadily  becoming  more  clearly 
defined  throughout  New  England.33  In  Massachusetts 
there  was  growing  dissatisfaction  with  Governor  Samuel 
Adams,  who  was  a  pronounced  partisan  of  France.34 
In  1796  Adams  announced  that  he  would  not  be  a  candi- 
date again  and  his  popularity  as  a  Revolutionary  patriot 
no  longer  stood  in  the  way  of  a  fair  party  test.  In  Ver- 
mont the  death  of  Thomas  Chittenden,  who  had  also  been 
a  barrier  against  party  contests,  had  a  similar  effect. 
He  had  not  been  a  party  leader,  while  his  successor,  Isaac 
Tichenor,  was  a  staunch  Federalist.36  Connecticut  in 
1794  and  1795  had  gone  through  a  fierce  struggle  over 
the  disposal  of  the  funds  derived  from  the  sale  of  west- 
ern lands.36  Public  feeling  was  aroused  and  complaint 
begins  to  appear  that  the  government  was  keeping  the 
people  in  the  dark  and  discouraging  free  inquiry  by  flat- 
tering disquisitions  on  steady  habits.37  Rhode  Island 
and  New  Hampshire  were  as  yet  but  slightly  disturbed 
by  parties. 

In  national  politics  the  discussion  of  the  last  few 

si  Diary  of  William  Bentley,  II,  182.  In  reference  to  the  election  of 
1796,  "  Adams  had  rendered  himself  odious  to  the  Federalists  &  was  not 
in  high  esteem,  from  his  age  &  character,  with  many  of  the  Anti-Treaty 
party,"  176. 

32  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  140. 

sa  BENTLEY,  Diary,  II,  174.  March  12,  1796.  "Electioneering  goes 
on  in  our  own  State  &  in  New  Hampshire.  It  extends  itself  in  Boston  for 
the  petty  Officers  of  the  Town.  This  is  the  Commencement  of  a  new 
Career. ' ' 

s*  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  159. 

35  THOMPSON,  Vermont,  84,  88. 

36  GREENE,  Eeligious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  268-392. 

37  Am.  Mercury,  August  24,  1795. 


CONDITIONS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND  13 

years  had  made  the  issues  clear  and  by  1796  the  position 
of  New  England  is  fairly  well  defined.  All  her  electoral 
votes  were  given  to  John  Adams.  In  the  Senate,  John 
Langdon  was  the  only  Republican.  Langdon,  in  spite 
of  opposition  due  to  his  attitude  toward  the  Jay  Treaty, 
had  been  re-elected  in  1795,  evidence  that  party  lines 
were  not  yet  drawn  in  the  New  Hampshire  legisla- 
ture.38 In  the  House,  several  active  Eepublicans  ap- 
peared after  the  elections  of  1796.  Samuel  Dexter,  one 
of  the  ablest  of  the  Massachusetts  Federalists,  had  been 
beaten  by  Joseph  Varnum  in  1795.  Skinner  appeared 
from  the  Berkshire  district.  In  western  Vermont,  "that 
Nazareth  of  anti-federalism, ' '  Lyon  had  defeated  a  less 
radical  Eepublican,  Israel  Smith,  and  now  opened  his 
boisterous  congressional  career.  But  the  New  England 
representation  in  Congress  was  overwhelmingly  Fed- 
eralist. By  the  end  of  1797  all  the  issues  had  been  made 
clear,  the  last  New  England  state  had  chosen  its  posi- 
tion and  Federalism  had  acquired  an  ascendancy  that 
took  the  opposition  years  of  effort  to  destroy. 

38  MORISON,  Life  of  Jeremiah  Smith,  66.  Smith,  then  a  representative, 
writes  concerning  Langdon 's  election:  "If  he  is  not  elected  he  will  I  fear 
be  soured  and  rear  up  an  anti-federal  party  in  the  state;  set  up  democratic 
clubs  and  poison  the  pure  principles  of  our  citizens.  Let  our  people  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  devil  but  let  them  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  these 
men." 


CHAPTER  II 
THE    GROWTH    OF    REPUBLICANISM,    1797-1800 

The  administration  of  John  Adams  closes  the  Feder- 
alist era  of  American  politics.  During  his  term  the 
party  recovered  for  a  brief  period  the  prestige  it  had 
lost  during  the  years  1793-1796,  only  to  go  down  in  what 
proved  to  be  final  defeat  in  1800.  New  England  gave 
Adams  all  her  electoral  votes  in  1796  and  repeated  the 
performance  in  1800,  but  the  vote  of  the  latter  year  had 
no  longer  the  same  significance.  New  England  Repub- 
licanism had  been  an  uncertain  quantity  during  Wash- 
ington's administration,  although  it  had  begun  to  take 
more  definite  shape  by  1796.  The  events  of  1797  and 
1798  checked  its  growth,  and  its  adherents  for  a  while 
appeared  only  as  a  factious  and  contemptible  minority; 
by  1800  it  had  regained  strength,  and  was  formidable 
enough  to  threaten  Federalist  supremacy  in  four  states. 

Foreign  affairs  formed  the  chief  interest  of  John 
Adams'  administration.  The  course  of  events  resulted 
in  hostilities  with  France,  and  hostilities  with  France 
resulted  in  measures  which  tended  to  associate  Federal- 
ism with  extravagance,  arbitrary  government,  and  aris- 
tocratic tendencies.  People  were  already  divided  on  the 
question  of  French  or  British  sympathy;  the  animosity 
between  them  was  aggravated  by  the  events  of  1797- 
1798,  and  there  follows  that  disgraceful  era  character- 
ized by  an  utter  lack  of  national  spirit;  when  leaders 
abjectly  apologized  for  the  outrages  of  the  European 
belligerents,  and  their  followers  drank  toasts  to  Suvarov 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         15 

and  Nelson,  or  held  festivals  in  honor  of  French  victo- 
ries.1 

The  satisfactory  operation  of  the  Jay  Treaty  and  the 
depredations .  of  France  in  1797  led  to  a  noticeable 
diminution  of  sympathy  for  that  country.  This  was 
especially  the  case  in  New  England,  where  losses  were 
more  severely  felt.  State  elections  were  of  little  impor- 
tance except  in  Massachusetts  and  Vermont,  but  in 
these  states  the  strength  of  Federalism  was  decisively 
proved.  In  Massachusetts  the  candidates  for  the  gov- 
ernorship were  Increase  Sumner,  Federalist,  and  James 
Sullivan,  Republican.  The  Federalist  candidate  was 
elected  by  a. majority  of  3752.2  The  fact  that  it  was 
probably  the  first  fair  test  of  party  strength  gives  a 
certain  interest  to  the  distribution  of  the  vote.  The 
Republican  areas  are  fairly  well  defined;  northern 
Berkshire,  Middlesex,  Norfolk  and  Bristol  counties  show 
strong  Republican  tendencies.  In  central  Massachu- 
setts, Federalism  was  predominant.  In  the  District  of 
Maine,  York  County  and  the  region  of  the  Kennebec 
show  Republican  strength.3  In  Vermont,  parties  were 

1  An  interesting  picture  of  public  feeling  at  this  time  is  given  by  Bent- 
ley.     December  8,  1796.     "This  evening  our  fire  club  annual  supper.     Men 
of  quite  opposite  political  views  assemble  &  associate  on  the  occasion.     Says 
one,  how  finely  Adet  was  drubbed  in  the  Centinel.     The  french  are  deceit- 
ful.   In  another  chair  a  whisper,  Parson  how  some  people  curse  the  french 
such  as  you  would  not  think  of.     I  hope  Jefferson  will  obtain  the  election 
&  be  president,  I  say  nothing  however.     Says  another,  have  you  seen  the 
new  ed.  of  the  Forresters,  a  new  chapter  gives  the  Jacobins  the  title  of 
Mother  Carey's  chickens,  etc.    A  good  supper  hushed  all  jealousies,  &  good 
wine  cheered  the  heart.    But  unluckily  brandy  was  served  to  some  by  mis- 
take. ' '     Diary,  II,  207.     An  item  of  later  date  shows  a  similar  state  of 
feeling.     Spooner's  Vermont  Journal,  January  15,   1810.     "The  care  of 
those  nations,  the  defence  of  their  claims,  and  apologies  for  their  errors 
and  crimes,  seems  to  be  the  labor  of  too  many  of  our  writers." 

2  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  179. 

3  See  map.   -Sullivan  carried  Middlesex,  York,  and  Washington  counties. 
Eeturns  in  Mass.  Archives. 


16  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

active.  Isaac  Tichenor,  a  Federalist,  was  elected  gov- 
ernor over  Moses  Robinson,  who  in  the  Senate  had  voted 
with  Langdon  against  the  ratification  of  the  Jay  Treaty, 
a  victory  which  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  party 
throughout  New  England.4  Chipman,  also  a  Federalist, 
was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate.5 

Congress,  in  response  to  the  President's  message,  had 
taken  steps  towards  placing  the  country  in  a  state  of 
defense.  Appropriations  were  made  for  harbor  defense, 
the  navy,  and  the  army,  and  to  meet  increased  expendi- 
tures new  revenue  measures  were  adopted.  Public 
opinion  in  New  England  was  evidently  in  support  of  the 
government,  for  on  June  27  George  Cabot  was  able  to 
write  that,  after  a  trip  of  four  hundred  miles  through 
New  England,  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  which  had 
been  on  the  Connecticut  and  Merrimac,  he  found  people 
everywhere  maintaining  "more  just  sentiments/7  This, 
he  found,  was  especially  true  in  New  Hampshire  and 
Vermont.  "I  could  not  forbear  to  conclude, "  he  writes, 
"that  the  disaffection  in  Boston  and  its  vicinity  is  almost 
all  that  exists  in  New  England  for  I  consider  the  paltry 
opposition  of  Portsmouth  as  only  sufficient  to  blow  the 
fire  of  patriotism  in  the  rest  of  the  state  of  New  Hamp- 
shire."6 The  "paltry  opposition  of  Portsmouth"  was 
manifest  in  a  special  election  of  a  congressman  in 
November.  Woodbury  Langdon  carried  the  towns  of 
Portsmouth  and  Rye,  while  his  Federalist  opponent, 
Peleg  Sprague,  received  an  almost  unanimous  vote  in 
the  interior  towns.7 

*  Col.  Centinel,  September  20,  1797. 
5  Kecords  of  Governor  and  Council,  IV,  142. 

«  LODGE,  Life  and  Letters  of  George  Cabot,  140.    Cabot  to  O.  Wolcott, 
June  27,  1797. 

7  Oracle  of  the  Day,  November  4,  1797. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         17 

If  events  of  1797  had  increased  the  power  of  the 
Federalist  party,  those  of  the  succeeding  year  could  not 
but  have  a  similar  effect.  In  April  came  the  publication 
of  the  X.  Y.  Z.  correspondence  and  the  result  was  a 
flash  of  national  spirit,  a  rare  occurrence  in  this  period. 
The  opposition  did  not  dare  to  stand  out  against  the 
administration,  which  showed  a  determination  to  uphold 
national  honor.  Jefferson,  always  a  shrewd  observer, 
saw  the  change  and  wrote  regretfully  to  Madison  that 
the  "popular  movement "  had  been  checked  in  the  East- 
ern States.8  His  confidence  that  a  closer  view  of  war 
and  taxes  would  again  produce  a  change  was  fully  justi- 
fied by  later  events.  Opposition  was  only  silenced,  it 
was  still  formidable.9 

The  state  elections  of  this  year  seemed  to  indicate  a 
rapid  decline  of  Republicanism.  In  Connecticut  there 
is  evidence  of  more  activity  than  usual.  Both  parties 
professed  a  horror  of  electioneering  and  endeavored  to 
keep  their  manoeuvres  secret.  The  Federalists  were 
reported  to  have  held  a  caucus  at  Litchfield  and  to  be 
actively  engaged  in  gaining  support  for  their  candi- 
dates.10 The  Republicans,  their  opponents  said,  had 
gathered  at  Hartford  on  March  20,  and  conspired  to 
introduce  their  fellows  into  the  legislature  and  if  pos- 
sible secure  the  election  to  Congress  of  Mr.  Granger 
and  two  other  promising  members  of  their  party.11 
Whatever  may  be  the  truth  of  these  reports,  the  old 

s  FORD,  Jefferson  Writings,  VTI,  246. 

»  Fisher  Ames  wrote  to  H.  G.  Otis  on  April  23,  1798:  "The  late  com- 
munications have  only  smothered  their  rage;  it  is  now  a  coal  pit,  lately  it 
was  an  open  fire."  Works,  I,  225.  Again,  to  Timothy  Pickering,  June  4: 
1 '  Not  one  Jacobin  is  changed,  though  many  are  dumb. ' '  Ibid.,  227. 

10  Am.  Mercury,  April  5,  1798. 

11  Conn.  Courant,  April  2,  9,  1798. 


18  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

state  officers  were  returned  and  Connecticut  Federalism 
remained  unshaken.12 

Rhode  Island  re-elected  most  of  her  officers,  includ- 
ing Governor  Fenner,  without  much  opposition.13  New 
Hampshire  and  Massachusetts  gave  equally  strong  sup- 
port to  the  Federalists.14  In  the  latter  state  the  Republi- 
cans showed  a  woeful  decline  in  numbers.  Fisher  Ames 
had  declared  that  the  election  of  Increase  Sumner  would 
"kill  f action "  in  the  state,  and  for  a  time  it  seemed  as 
though  this  hope  would  be  realized.15  The  Vermont 
election  was  not  held  until  October,  and  should,  for  local 
reasons,  be  considered  by  itself. 

In  the  New  England  legislatures  Federalism  showed 
remarkable  strength.  The  great  party  test  was  the 
address  of  confidence  in  the  President.  This  was  more 
than  a  perfunctory  courtesy.  At  a  time  when  there  was 
such  a  lack  of  national  feeling,  to  secure  harmony 
between  state  and  general  governments  was  a  matter  of 
real  significance.  As  a  party  test  it  showed  the  exist- 
ence of  a  considerable  body  of  representative  citizens 
with  common  views  on  national  questions.  Until  1815 
the  attitude  to  be  taken  on  national  questions  was  always 
a  matter  of  great  interest  when  the  legislature  con- 
vened, and  debate  often  raged  over  the  wording  of  some 

12  Noah  Webster  wrote  to  Pickering  concerning  this  election :  * '  There 
never  was  so  full  an  election.  The  citizens  of  Connecticut  have  no  wish 
to  be  involved  in  political  disputes  but  have  taken  sides.  The  usual  vote 
for  governor  and  council  has  risen  from  3000  to  7000.  .  .  .  The  number 
of  votes  mustered  by  the  clubs  will  not  rise  above  590. M  Pickering  MSS., 
XXII,  156.  Webster  to  Pickering,  May  12,  1798. 

is  Col.  Centinel,  May  9,  1798. 

i*  In  New  Hampshire  out  of  12,143  votes  Oilman  received  9397.  Oracle 
of  the  Day,  June  16,  1798. 

In  Massachusetts  Sumner  received  17,498,  the  votes  in  opposition  (mostly 
for  Sullivan)  were  2167.  Eeturns  in  Mass.  Archives. 

For  comment  on  this  election  see  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  175. 

18  Works,  I,  186. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         19 

clause  in  reply  to  the  governor's  message  in  which 
reference  was  made  to  affairs  at  Washington.1" 

In  the  course  of  the  summer  four  of  the  New  Eng- 
land legislatures  passed  resolutions  declaring  their  con- 
fidence in  the  President.  Vermont  did  likewise  when 
the  legislature  met  later  in  the  year.17  Massachusetts 
and  Vermont  both  show  a  small,  but  evidently  deter- 
mined opposition,  as  it  took  no  little  courage  to  vote  nay 
on  such  a  measure.  In  the  list  of  nays  in  Massachusetts 
appear  the  names  of  Henry  Dearborn,  Phanuel  Bishop, 
Daniel  Ilsley,  and  Ebenezer  Seaver,  all  of  whom  sooner 
or  later  served  in  Congress  as  Republicans.  Seven  of 
the  thirty  votes  in  opposition  were  from  Middlesex.18 

In  the  congressional  elections  of  this  year  the  Repub- 
licans made  but  a  poor  showing,  although  there  is  more 
evidence  of  party  voting  than  in  1796.  In  Connecticut, 
owing  to  the  peculiar  system  in  vogue  whereby  the 
voters  nominated  in  one  election  and  voted  on  those 
securing  the  highest  vote  at  a  second,  the  names  of  sev- 
eral suspected  Jacobins  appeared  in  the  nomination  list. 
The  Courant  raised  the  alarm.  Connecticut  must  be 

18  In  the  Mass.  House  Journal,  January  24,  1807,  it  is  recorded  that 
" after  five  hours'  debate  without  an  adjournment,"  the  address  to  the 
President  was  adopted.  XXVIII,  293,  294.  Plumer  in  a  letter  to  Jere- 
miah Smith,  April  19,  1796,  expresses  the  hope  ''that  the  Governor  in  his 
next  communication  will  not  dwell  on  matters  relating  to  the  General  Gov- 
ernment" because  they  are  "apt  to  provoke  disruptions."  MSS.,  I,  294. 

n  Conn.  Courant,  July  16,  gives  the  votes  on  these  resolutions :  Rhode 
Island,  yeas,  60,  nays,  0;  Connecticut,  yeas,  173,  nays,  2;  Massachusetts, 
yeas,  144,  nays,  30;  New  Hampshire,  yeas,  132,  nays,  4. 

In  Vermont  the  vote  stood  129-23.    THOMPSON,  Vermont,  88. 

is  House  Journal,  XIX,  54. 

Dr.  Nathaniel  Ames  on  an  undated  page  in  his  diary  recorded  the  names 
of  the  thirty  who  voted  in  the  negative,  "names  of  the  faithful  minority 
in  Gen'l  Court  June  7  on  the  question  for  addressing  J.  Adams,  Pres. 
U.  S.  A.  for  committing  us  to  the  Lyon  's  paw. ' '  MSS.  Diary  of  Nathaniel 
Ames,  in  possession  of  Dedham  Historical  Society.  Nathaniel  was  a  brother 
of  the  famous  Fisher  Ames,  but  a  violent  Republican. 


20  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

spared  the  disgrace  of  electing  to  Congress  any  but  the 
purest  Federalists.  The  disorganizing  sentiments  of 
two  men  on  the  list  were  well  known,  those  of  a  third 
were  doubtful,  and  "he  that  doubteth  in  a  spiritual  sense 
is  damned."19  The  people  took  the  alarm,  and  as  the  same 
paper  later  recorded  "to  their  everlasting  honor,  they 
not  only  shut  out  the  new  ones  who  aspired  to  office, 
but  also  purged  the  old  nomination  of  the  few  demo- 
crats who  had  slyly  crept  into  it.  The  nomination  is 
now  pure  and  of  course  the  State  runs  no  risk  of  being 
misrepresented  in  Congress  for  the  next  two  years.  "20 
It  was  several  years  before  Republicanism  got  fairly 
started  in  this  state.  Rhode  Island,  since  her  admission 
to  the  Union,  had  become  Federalized.  One  of  her  rep- 
resentatives, Tillinghast,  had  voted  with  the  "Gallatin 
junto"  and  was  decisively  beaten.  His  colleague, 
Champlin,  was  re-elected  almost  without  opposition.21 

Massachusetts  elected  only  two  Republicans.  Var- 
num,  who  had  taken  a  somewhat  prominent  part  in  the 
last  session,  won  the  Middlesex  district  and  after  four 
trials,  Bishop  carried  Bristol.  Even  Berkshire,  which 
had  shown  strong  Republican  tendencies,  elected  Theo- 
dore Sedgwick,  a  Federalist.  The  Boston  district  was 
carried  by  H.  GL  Otis  over  General  William  Heath,  whom 
the  Centinel  with  characteristic  vehemence,  described  as 
a  "ridiculous,  despicable,  weak  minded,  weak  hearted 
Jacobin. ' m  New  Hampshire  elected  four  Federalists  on 
a  general  ticket  by  a  very  large  majority.23 

is  April  2,  1798. 

20  September  3,  1798. 

21  Conn.  Courant,  August  27,  September  3,  1798.     Also  Col.  Centinel, 
September  15,  state's  vote — Tillinghast  2638,  Brown  3992.     "Such  a  man 
as  Tillinghast  was  not  re-elected  in  Khode  Island  where  the  purest  feder- 
alism pervades  almost  every  town." 

22  November  3,  1798. 

23  Oracle  of  the  Day,  October  27,  1791.    The  lowest  vote  on  the  list  was 
446,  the  next  highest  4637. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         21 

But  the  political  situation  in  Vermont  is  perhaps  the 
most  interesting  and  significant  in  New  England.  The 
representative  of  her  western  district,  Matthew  Lyon, 
with  his  coarseness  and  aggressive  democracy,  had 
already  drawn  attention  to  himself  and  his  constituents 
by  his  bout  with  Griswold.24  The  district  was  full  of 
dissatisfaction  and  uneasiness.  As  early  as  January  a 
convention  had  met  at  Wallingford,  set  up  a  liberty  pole 
and  protested  against  the  stamp  tax,  actions  which  were 
similar  to  those  in  northeastern  New  York.25  The  state 
election  in  October,  however,  showed  a  decided  majority 
for  the  Federalists.  The  legislature  met,  addressed 
the  President  and  then  proceeded  to  a  wholesale  removal 
of  Republican  officeholders.  Among  the  "political 
deceases  by  Jacobin  fever"  were  numbered  three  coun- 
cillors, four  county  judges,  one  sheriff,  four  judges  of 
probate,  one  attorney  general,  nineteen  justices.28  The 

24  MCLAUGHLIN,  Matthew  Lyon,  209-305. 

25  Col.  Centinel,  January  20,  24,  1798.     A  letter  in  the  latter  number 
states  that  Lyon  had  franked  to  his  constituents  hundreds  of  copies  of 
"that  Pandora  box  of  anarchy,"  the  Philadelphia  Aurora.     "The  poison 
operated  on  the  minds  of  the  unthinking"  and  was  responsible  for  the 
Wallingford  gathering.     January  20,  "A  Bennington  paper  mentions  that 
a  spirit  of  insurgency  similar  to  the  above  was  rising  in  the  back  part  of 
New  York  State!"     See  also  Am.  Mercury,  January  25,  1798. 

26  Hid.,  December  8,  1798;   also  see  October  31,  November  7,  17,  for 
this  proscription.     Also  THOMPSON,  Vermont,  89.     The  following  extract 
from  the  Albany  Centinel,  quoted  by  Oracle  of  the  Day,  December  29, 
gives   a   good   idea   of   the   intolerant   spirit   of  Federalism  at  this  time: 
"Jacobinism  is  being  punished  in  Vermont.    Every  Jacobin  who  held  office 
under  the  government  has  been  justly  displaced.     Judges,  sheriffs,  justices 
of  the  peace,  have  received  the  sentence  '  Depart,  ye  cursed. '  .  .  .  A  measure 
which  should  be  universally  imitated.  .    .    .  Consign  the  sons  of  clamor  and 
sedition  to  neglect  and  contempt." 

AMES,  Diary,  November  7:  "The  Devil  reigns  in  Vermont;  Judges 
and  Justices  all  turned  out  of  office  for  not  returning  back  to  Britain. ' ' 

On  June  20  the  Centinel  had  recommended  similar  measures  elsewhere. 
"Why  does  not  the  President  tumble  from  their  places  the  Collector,  Loan 
Office  Commissioner,  and  the  Commander  of  the  Eevenue  cutter  at  Ports- 


22  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCEACY 

number  of  removals  at  least  shows  that  there  was  a  con- 
siderable body  of  Republicans  in  the  state. 

The  condition  of  state  politics  was  not  the  only  thing 
which  served  to  draw  the  attention  of  New  England, 
or  in  fact  of  the  whole  country,  to  Vermont.  Matthew 
Lyon  had  already  aroused  the  wrath  of  the  Federalists, 
and  the  Sedition  Act  of  July  14  offered  a  convenient 
weapon  to  use  against  him,  especially  as  he  was  a  can- 
didate for  re-election.  In  October  he  was  convicted 
under  this  law  and  imprisoned  at  Vergennes.27  The 
result  of  this  prosecution  was  ominous  for  Federalism. 
In  the  indecisive  September  election  Lyon  had  lacked 
a  majority;  at  a  second  election,  in  December,  while 
still  in  jail,  he  easily  carried  the  district.  More  than 
fifteen  hundred  more  votes  were  cast  in  the  second  elec- 
tion than  in  the  first.28  The  conduct  of  the  Federalists 
in  this  year  must  be  remembered  in  view  of  the  remark- 
able growth  of  the  opposing  party  in  the  next  two  years. 

Another  matter  which  should  be  considered  in  con- 
nection with  the  events  of  1798  was  the  reception  of  the 
Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions  in  the  New  England 
legislatures.  These  documents  voiced  the  protest  of  the 
opposition  against  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws  and 
practically  constituted  a  party  manifesto  against  the 
administration.  New  England  rejected  them  decisively. 
Ehode  Island  cast  one  vote  in  their  favor;  Connecticut, 
two;  New  Hampshire,  none;  Massachusetts,  twenty-nine 
in  the  House,  and  one  in  the  Senate.  Of  the  twenty- 
nine,  nineteen  had  voted  against  the  address  to  John 
Adams  in  the  preceding  session.29  The  lone  senator  was 

mouth?     The  ingrates  ought  not  to  eat  the  country's  bread  and  betray  her 
to  France, "  etc.     Pluiner,  in  a  letter  to  Secretary  Wolcott,  June  8,  1798, 
urges  similar  action  against  these  officers.    MSS.,  I,  397. 
2?  MCLAUGHLIN,  Lyon,  337-382. 

28  Hid.,  375. 

29  House  Journal,  XIX,  276. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         23 

John  Bacon  of  Berkshire,  elected  to  Congress  two  years 
later.  These  states  considered  the  resolutions  during 
the  winter  or  spring  sessions  of  1799;  the  Vermont  leg- 
islature did  not  meet  until  October,  when  the  growth  of 
the  Republican  party  was  seen  in  the  fact  that  there 
were  fifty  votes  on  behalf  of  the  Kentucky  Resolutions, 
and  fifty-two  for  the  Virginia.30 

Federalism  attained  its  maximum  power  and  popu- 
larity in  1798.  The  history  of  the  next  two  years  is  of 
steadily  growing  opposition.  The  causes  are  not  hard 
to  find.  The  "popular  movement,"  the  check  to  which 
had  been  apparent  to  Jefferson,  quickly  revived  when 
the  first  fervor  of  hostility  to  France  had  passed  away. 
The  conduct  of  the  Federalists  could  not  but  irritate 
people  who  were  beginning  to  take  more  interest  in 
public  affairs  than  ever  before.  The  war  taxes  sup- 
plied the  Republican  orators  with  arguments  which 
could  be  brought  home  to  every  farmer  in  New  Eng- 
land. On  the  purely  political  side,  the  dissensions  in 
the  Federalist  party  undoubtedly  weakened  it;  the 
Republican  party  was  improving  in  organization  and 
increasing  its  activity. 

From  1796  on,  there  is  expressed  in  Republican  writ- 
ings a  growing  hostility  to  "Aristocracy,"  including 
the  clergy,  the  lawyers,  merchants,  and  officeholders. 
The  idea  that  the  people  were  being  kept  in  the  dark 
finds  frequent  expression,  and  the  overbearing  attitude 
of  the  Federalists  toward  all  opponents  aggravated 
matters.  In  1797  a  writer  in  a  New  Hampshire  paper 
complains  that  "anything  opposed  to  the  ideas  of  the 
Administration"  constitutes  "Jacobinism."  "To  be 
true  Federalists,  we  must  be  at  once  deaf,  dumb,  and 
blind;  we  must  hear  nothing — say  nothing — see  noth- 

30  F.  M.  ANDERSON,  Contemporary  Opinion  of  the  Virginia  and  Ken- 
tucky Kesolutions.  Am.  Hist.  Kev.,  V,  58-63,  225  ff. 


24  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

ing" — and  the  enactment  of  the  Sedition  Law  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  seemed  to  indicate  a  determination  to  make 
citizens  conform  to  this  ideal.31  The  prosecutions  under 
this  law,  the  wholesale  removals  from  office  in  Vermont, 
all  seemed  to  indicate  a  determination  to  suppress  politi- 
cal opposition  as  though  it  were  treason.  The  people 
apparently  were  acquiescent,  but  even  the  Federalists 
did  not  believe  this  condition  would  last.  Ames  warned 
Pickering  of  the  "folly  of  keeping  the  multitude  long 
in  suspense.  .  .  .  Keep  them  in  action,  and  shift  the 
scenes,  and  you  may  succeed. ' m  The  Connecticut  Cour- 
ant  warned  the  state  that  although  the  Jacobins  were 
silent,  "This  is  ominous  of  evil.  The  murderer  listens 
to  see  if  all  is  quiet,  then  he  begins.  So  it  is  with  the 
Jacobins."33  Republican  opposition,  however,  was  not 
expressed  by  the  ballot  until  the  following  year.  Lib- 
erty poles  set  up  in  various  places  were,  however,  indic- 
ative of  the  restless  spirit  pervading  the  people.34  The 

si  Oracle  of  the  Day,  October  7,  1797.  The  following  from  the  Ind. 
Chronicle,  November  30,  1797,  expresses  the  same  ideas.  "Sydney"  on  the 
basis  of  division  of  parties :  ' '  The  Aristocrats  are  of  the  opinion  that  the 
people  of  this  country  are  entirely  incapable  of  supporting  a  government 
upon  republican  principles.  .  .  .  The  Jacobins  on  the  other  hand,  contend 
that  a  government  formed  upon  an  aggregation  of  Kepublics,  beginning 
at  the  Town  Meeting,  widening  into  Counties  and  Districts  and  still  further 
to  a  Governor,  Council,  and  Legislature  in  each  State  and  thereon  the 
whole  composing  a  Federal  system  which  unites  all  in  one  common  interest 
and  the  whole  system  supported  by  a  frequent  election  of  magistrates  and 
rulers  is  most  apt  to  preserve  the  political  independence  and  to  promote 
the  happiness  of  the  people."  The  hostility  of  the  leading  Federalists 
to  popular  government  is  well  known. 

32  Works,  I,  228. 

as  August  13,  1798. 

s*  The  inscription  on  the  pole  at  Dedham  is  worth  quoting.  ' '  No  Stamp 
Act,  No  Sedition,  no  Alien  Bills,  no  Land  Tax,  downfall  to  the  Tyrants 
of  America,  peace  and  retirement  to  the  President,  long  live  the  Vice 
President  and  the  Minority,  may  moral  virtue  be  the  basis  of  civil  gov- 
ernment." Col.  Centinel,  November  13,  1798. 


THE  GEOWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         25 

apparent  supremacy  of  the  Federalists  was  based  on 
very  insecure  foundations.35 

The  stamp  tax,  as  has  been  mentioned,  occasioned 
considerable  stir  in  Vermont.36  This,  and  the  land  tax, 
had  the  same  result  throughout  New  England.  Jeffer- 
son 's  prophecy  that  "a  nearer  view  of  war  and  taxes" 
would  affect  public  opinion  was  soon  verified  and  early 
in  1799  he  was  able  to  note  the  discontent  excited  by  the 
tax  gatherer.37  The  dread  of  taxation  which  was  char- 
acteristic of  the  age  was  used  by  the  Republicans  with 
great  effect.38  Money  was  scarce,  the  average  amount 
of  property  small,  and  the  New  England  farmer  who 
had  to  make  a  living  from  the  stony  fields  or  among  the 
stumps  in  Maine  or  Vermont  lent  ready  ear  to  the 
stories  of  Federalist  extravagance.39  The  land  tax 
bogey  had  been  brought  out  as  one  of  the  dangers  of 

35BENTLEY,  Diary,  II,  298.  March  28,  1799.  "Our  common  topics 
are  the  captures  of  French  vessels.  Everything  is  done  to  excite  our  joy 
upon  these  events,  but  we  rejoice  with  trembling.  .  .  .  Political  violence 
in  party  is  not  a  proof  of  quiet  possession,  and  this  stir  makes  us  fear  more 
from  the  directed  strength  than  the  progress  of  any  party. ' ' 

36  Conn.  Courant,  February  25,  1799.     "In  none  of  the  States  has  there 
been  more  clamor  about  the  stamp  law  than  in  Vermont. " 

37  FORD,  Jefferson  Writings,  VII,  313.     Jefferson  to  Madison,  January 
3,    1799.     An   excellent   illustration   of   the   dislike   for   these  measures   is 
found  in  Nathaniel  Ames'  diary.     January  23,  1799,  "Called  on  by  Nehh 
Fales  for  dimensions  of  my  house  and  windows  and  list  of  land  for  Direct 
tax  of   High  Fed.   tyrant   Govern t.     Introduce  it  thus.     Nat.   Ames    (re- 
gretting  the   short   dawn   of   rational   Liberty  under   the   Confederation — 
deploring  the  blindness  and  apathy  of  that  People  who  once  dared  to  defy 
and  trample  on  the  minions  of  foreign  tyrants,  only  to  be  trampled  on  by 
domestic  traitors,  in  impudent  junto,  breaking  the  limits  of  the  Sovreign — 
grated  with  the  tyrant  songs  of  'Energy  of  Governt. — Tighten  the  reins 
of    Governt.'    only   to   stifle   the   chearing   sound   of   the    great   sovreign's 
voice — forc'd  to  yield — instead  of  Law,  to  the  mighty  powers  that  be) 
exhibits  this  list  and  description  of  his  house  and  land  on  the  first  day  of 
October  1798." 

ss  See  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  177. 

so  LODGE,  Cabot,  180.  "It  is  more  grievous  to  observe  the  motives 
which  govern  the  voters.  They  vote  for  the  man  who  would  vote  against 


26  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

the  Jay  Treaty.40  The  Federalist  expenditures  of  1798 
were  an  admirable  subject  for  denunciation  and  they 
were  used  unsparingly  by  the  Republican  papers  during 
these  two  years.41 

The  secrecy  with  which  all  political  machinery  was 
put  in  motion  renders  it  difficult  to  judge  as  to  how 
serious  was  the  effort  to  secure  control  of  the  state 
governments.  Most  of  our  evidence  comes  from  the 
Federalist  press,  but  it  seems  probable  that  there  was 
unusual  activity  among  Republicans.42  Election  returns 
certainly  show  that  the  party  was  rapidly  gaining 
ground.  Jefferson,  some  years  after,  stated  that  a  num- 
ber of  Republicans,  seeing  the  complete  control  exer- 
cised by  the  Federalists  in  the  national  government,  had 
retired  to  their  respective  states  to  organize  and 
strengthen  the  opposition.43  This  was  recognized  at 

taxes. "  See  also  Plumer  MSS.,  I,  410,  for  Plumer's  comment  on  opposition 
tactics  in  New  Hampshire. 

*o  Col.  Centinel,  September  26,  1795.  "How  will  the  treaty  engender 
a  land  tax?  Because  Virginians  will  not  pay  their  debts?  .  .  .  The  phan- 
tom has  been  exhibited  at  periods  ever  since  1789. " 

41  For  interesting  expressions  of  opinion  on  Taxes,  see  Ind.  Chronicle, 
January  10,  14,  17,  21,  28,  March  29,  August  23,  1799.     In  Ehode  Island 
the  legislature  passed  resolutions  recommending  to  the  government  of  the 
United  States  a  general  property  tax  as  a  substitute  for  the  land  tax  which 
was  unduly  burdensome  to  real  estate.     U.  S.  Chronicle,  March  14,  1799. 
See  Am.   Mercury,   March   22,   1798.     A   characteristic   expression  occurs. 
' '  The  most  proper  persons  to  appropriate  money  are  those  who  know  with 
what  difficulty  it  is  obtained. "     AMES,  Diary,  January  29,  1799.     "The 
great  Sovereign  Grumbles  at  unconstitutional  tax. " 

GIBBS,  Memoirs  of  the  Administrations  of  Washington  and  John  Adams, 
II,  239.  "The  Jacobins  have  lately  become  more  systematical,  I  think,  in 
their  electioneering  projects,  and  have  in  this  part  of  the  country  availed 
themselves  greatly  of  those  momentary  discontents  which  naturally  follow 
the  promulgation  of  a  new  tax.  We  are  taking  some  pains,  however,  to  keep 
the  people  steady,  and,  I  hope,  with  a  majority,  these  labors  will  succeed. ' ' 
Cabot  to  Wolcott,  May  2,  1799. 

42  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  176. 

43  JEFFERSON,  Works,  Wash,  ed.,  IX,  507. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         27 

the  time,  and  previous  to  the  state  election  of  1799  the 
Columbian  Centinel  was  warning  the  Federalists,  that, 
finding  it  impossible  to  render  the  country  subservient 
to  France  through  the  general  government,  they  were 
now  directing  their  force  to  effect  it  through  the  state 
governments,  where,  at  least  in  the  case  of  Massachu- 
setts, an  organized  effort  was  being  made  to  oust  from 
the  legislature  "every  man  of  honesty,  independence, 
and  federalism. ' '  A  caucus  at  the  close  of  the  winter 
session  of  the  General  Court  had  set  the  "Jeffersonian 
puppets "  at  this  task.  "The  correspondent  of  Mazzei 
is  in  the  center  of  the  circle.  His  myrmidons,  faithful 
to  their  duty,  act  as  he  directs  and  bellow  as  he  pre- 
scribes."44 In  Vermont,  the  exertions  of  "that  fomenter 
of  evil  works,  Matthew  Lyon,  and  his  cubs"  were 
reported  to  be  unusually  active.45  In  the  other  states, 
politics  seem  to  have  been  rather  quiet  until  1800, 
although  in  Connecticut  the  Stamford  Democratic  club, 
which,  "as  usual  governed  the  elections  in  that  town," 
was  reported  to  be  very  active  in  stirring  up  excitement 
and  discontent.46 

In  1800  there  was  no  longer  any  question  about  the 
determination  of  the  Republicans  to  effect  a  revolu- 
tion. The  warnings  of  1799  were  repeated.  In  Con- 
necticut the  Republicans  openly  met  at  New  Haven  to 
organize  their  campaign  and  make  nominations.47  The 

"  April  6,  1799.    IUd.,  April  17,  May  1. 

45  Ibid.,   October   5,   1799.     Lyon   about  this   time   went   to   Kentucky 
"where,"  the  Centinel  remarked  (October  30),  " birds  of  a  feather  flock 
together."     Hid.,  June  22.     "The  Vermont  Lyon  was  at  Knoxville,  Ten- 
nessee  the   29,   April,   after   prowling  over   1400   miles   of   territory.     He 
speaks  highly  of  the  docility  of  his  fellow  brutes  of  Kentucky  and  Ten- 
nessee. ' '     Lyon  had  written  of  the  prevalent  Eepublicanism  of  the  West. 

46  Conn.  Courant,  February  25,  April  22,  1799. 

47  GREENE,  Eeligious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  417.     See  also  Conn.  Courant, 
August  25,  1800,  account  of  meeting  on  "Thermidor  20,  reign  of  reason 
the  8th." 


28  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

"  private  cabals "  which  had  long  existed  were  now 
replaced  by  an  active  campaign.  "Rhetorical  mission- 
aries "  were  active,  Aaron  Burr  adding  his  influence  to 
that  of  Granger,  Kirby,  Edwards,  and  other  local 
lights.48  Burr,  however,  no  mean  judge  of  politics,  was 
evidently  not  impressed  with  the  progress  of  the  party 
in  this  state,  as  he  is  reported  to  have  remarked  that 
"Connecticut  must  be  given  up.  There  is  no  hope  for 
them.  We  may  as  soon  attempt  to  revolutionize  the 
kingdom  of  heaven.  "49  The  fact  that  the  Republicans 
had  drawn  up  a  nomination  for  councillors  seemed  to 
the  Federalists  a  proof  of  growing  boldness  and  the 
Courant  recorded  that  "for  the  first  time  they  have  had 
the  audacity  in  the  state  of  Connecticut  to  circulate 
printed  tickets. '  '50  No  attempt  seems  to  have  been  made 
to  run  a  candidate  against  Governor  Trumbull,  but 
efforts  were  directed  against  the  council,  the  congres- 
sional delegation,  and  town  representatives,  the  latter 
being  especially  important  because  choosing  presidential 
electors.51 

In  Massachusetts  a  similar  movement  was  in  prog- 
ress. So  threatening  was  the  situation  that  the  legis- 
lative caucus  which  nominated  Caleb  Strong  issued  a 
special  appeal  to  the  electors,  both  the  caucus  and  its 
address  being  a  new  feature  in  Massachusetts  politics.52 
This  document  is  an  appeal  for  united  action  by  the 
"friends  of  society,  religion,  and  good  order, "  in  view 
of  the  growth  of  faction,  and  because  "the  enemies  of 
our  excellent  Federal  constitution  are  now  striving  to 

48  Conn.  Courant,  September  1,  8,  1800. 

"I&td,  April  27,  1801.     This  remark  has  also  been  attributed  to  other 
Eepublican  leaders, 
so  September  1,  1800. 
«i  Mid.,  August  18. 
52  LUETSCHER,  Early  Political  Machinery,  121. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         29 

gain  admittance  into  the  administration  of  the  individual 
state  governments.7'53 

New  Hampshire  had  hitherto  shown  little  evidence  of 
party  division,  but  in  1799  the  inevitable  break  began. 
Almost  thirty  years  later,  when  Jacksonian  Democracy 
was  struggling  for  a  foothold  in  the  state,  Isaac  Hill 
wrote  to  Henry  Lee  that  "in  1798  with  the  exception 
of  Langdon  and  a  few  sterling  patriots,  there  could  not 
be  said  to  be  in  this  state  a  party  favorable  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  Thomas  Jefferson.'754  The  immediate  cause  of 
the  new  movement  affords  an  example  of  the  curious 
interworking  of  local  and  national  affairs.  The  "  paltry 
opposition "  to  Federalism  in  Portsmouth  has  been 
already  noted.  This  "arch  faction,"  so  runs  the  Fed- 
eralist history  of  the  affair,  were  anxious  to  aid  their 
friends  in  the  South  and  to  increase  their  own  impor- 
tance in  the  United  States.  Accordingly,  led  by  John 
Langdon  they  organized  a  new  bank,  taking  care  to  have 
subscribers  to  its  stock  scattered  through  the  country 
districts.  The  bank  made  a  business  of  making  small 
loans  on  easy  terms,  apparently  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  supporters  for  its  managers.  "The  mischief 
spread  like  a  pestilence "  and  when  in  1799  the  bank 
was  refused  a  charter  by  the  legislature  and  a  law  was 
passed  restraining  unincorporated  institutions  at  the 
fall  session  there  was  great  indignation.  The  only  other 
bank  then  in  the  state — the  New  Hampshire  Bank — 

53  Col.  Centinel,  February  12,  1800.     Bentley  gives  evidence  as  to  the 
political  activity  of  this  year  and  also  as  to  growth  in  popular  influence  in 
politics.     Diary,  II,  354,  October  25,  1800.     "For  the  first  time  the  zeal 
of  Caucusing  has  been  introduced  into  Salem.     In  former  times  particular 
men  of  influence  have  met  to  agree  upon  a  candidate  for  office,  but  then 
the  meeting  was  of  few  &  all  upon  one  side.     Now  parties  are  armed  at 
all  points  &  large  associations  are  forming  &  alliances  offensive  &  defensive 
as  reputation,  interest,  &  all  men  hold  dear  are  involved  in  the  contro- 
versies. ' ' 

54  Proceedings  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.,  XLIII,  69. 


30  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

was  doing  a  flourishing  business  and  the  state  owned  a 
considerable  interest  in  its  stock.  In  any  case,  the  atti- 
tude toward  the  Langdon  bank  was  felt  to  be  another 
piece  of  Federalist  intolerance.  Numerous  Federalists 
had  supported  the  petition  of  the  new  bank,  and  the 
result  was  that  they  joined  with  the  Portsmouth  faction 
in  running  for  the  governorship  Judge  Walker,  nomi- 
nally a  Federalist,  but  described  by  Plumer  to  be  of 
such  contemptible  character  that  "if  his  soul  was  drawn 
at  full  length  on  the  point  of  a  cambrick  needle,  to  dis- 
cover it  would  require  the  aid  of  the  microscope. ' >55  A 
sharply  contested  campaign  followed  in  the  spring  of 
1800,  an  experience  which  the  state  had  not  yet  under- 
gone. Federalist  opinion  was  unanimous  in  regarding 
the  whole  affair  as  a  Jacobin  ruse  to  start  a  division  in 
the  state.56  Rhode  Island  and  Vermont  offer  nothing  of 
special  interest  during  these  years. 

In  short,  in  all  New  England  the  last  two  years  of 
the  century  were  characterized  by  a  rapid  increase  in 
electioneering,  and  political  interest  on  the  part  of  the 
people  was  steadily  growing.57  The  concrete  evidence 

55  MSS.,  I,  108. 

56  This  account  is  based  largely  on  the  ' '  brief  history  of  the  rise  and 
progress  of  the  late  electioneering  manoeuvres  in  New  Hampshire,"  pub- 
lished in  Col.  Centinel,  March  22,  1800.     The  Republicans  in  1805  pub- 
lished a  history  of  the  matter  as  a  campaign  attack  on  Governor  Gilman, 
making  charges  that  he  used  the  executive  power  to  induce  members  to 
vote  against  incorporation.     New  Hampshire  Gazette,  February  26,  March 
5,  1805. 

The  legislative  history  of  the  bill  is  found  in  the  House  Journal  for 
winter  session  1799.  See  also  PLUMER,  Plumer,  138,  139.  Also  Plumer 
MSS.,  I,  408-425  passim. 

The  Col.  Centinel,  March  15,  1800,  after  discussing  the  activity  of  the 
Republicans  who  had  abandoned  Congress  for  the  state  legislatures,  to 
"secure  their  pickets,"  remarks,  "In  New  Hampshire  a  similar  policy 
was  practiced  under  cover  of  an  ambuscade." 

ST  In  Massachusetts  between  1798  and  1800  the  vote  for  governor 
increased  about  82  per  cent. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         31 

in  the  form  of  election  returns  seems  to  verify  Dr. 
Ames'  view  that  there  was  "a  general  grumbling  of  the 
Great  Sovereign  against  its  Agents  attempting  to  veil, 
stupify,  and  then  bleed  it  to  fainting  instead  of  helping 
to  feed,  arm  and  invigorate  and  enlighten  it  ! ! ! ' >58  That 
evidence,  rather  scanty  unfortunately,  must  be  consid- 
ered. It  shows  a  decided  increase  in  Republican  power 
in  both  state  and  national  affairs. 

The  political  activity  which  has  been  noted  began  to 
show  results  in  1799.  Connecticut  has  no  record  of 
election  returns  but  the  press  gives  some  evidence 
showing  that  the  Republicans  were  making  headway. 
When  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  Resolutions  were 
under  discussion  it  was  reported  that  there  were  several 
"  Jacobins "  in  the  House  but  that  they  absented  them- 
selves when  the  vote  was  taken.59  The  elections  were 
somewhat  quiet  in  this  year  and  the  town  of  Stamford 
was  reported  to  have  cast  about  one  third  of  the  total 
Republican  vote  in  the  state.60  The  following  year 
shows  the  actual  increase  in  party  strength.  As  a 
result  of  the  summer's  campaign,  the  American  Mer- 
cury, now  recognized  as  the  organ  of  the  new  party  for 
the  state,  recorded  that  there  had  been  "an  unexampled 
instance  of  the  change  of  public  opinion  and  the  prog- 
ress of  Whig  principles  in  this  State.  ...  In  many 
towns  where  there  was  not  a  man  who  a  few  months 
ago  avowed  the  cause  of  republicanism,  the  friends  of 
liberty  and  the  constitution  have  now  a  majority. ' >61 
In  1799  the  Courant  had  declared  that  in  the  legisla- 

In  New  Hampshire  the  increase  was  38  per  cent.    Vote  in  1798,  12,143, 
Oracle  of  the  Day,  June  16.    Vote  in  1800,  16,762,  Col.  Centinel,  June  14. 
ss  Diary,  August  31,  1800. 
89  Conn.  Courant,  June  3,  1799. 
«o7&td.,  March  31,  1800. 
«i  September  26,  1800. 


32  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

ture  "democracy  had  not  dared  to  show  its  hideous 
head/'62  now  in  the  spring  session  a  bill  for  districting 
the  state  for  congressional  elections  was  boldly  intro- 
duced,63 and  in  the  fall  the  Republicans  mustered  twenty- 
seven  votes  against  a  resolution  appointing  presidential 
electors.64 

In  Massachusetts  the  Republicans,  with  General 
William  Heath  as  candidate — a  man  who  could  not  be 
considered  as  a  strong  leader — polled  over  eight  thou- 
sand votes  in  1799,  and  elected  about  forty-five  members 
to  the  General  Court.65  Heath  carried  Middlesex  and 
Norfolk  counties  and  received  support  in  nearly  every 
part  of  the  state.66  Fisher  Ames  was  keenly  aware  of 
conditions  and  wrote  in  November  that  "on  the  whole, 
the  rabies  canina  of  Jacobinism  has  gradually  spread,  of 
late  years,  from  the  cities,  where  it  was  confined  to  docks 
and  mob,  to  the  country.  I  think  it  is  still  spreading 
silently,  and  why  should  it  not  1 ' m 

Circumstances  combined  in  1800  to  make  elections 
close  and  exciting.  The  quarrel  between  John  Adams 
and  the  faction  of  the  party  represented  by  Pickering 
undoubtedly  weakened  the  Federalists.68  The  nomina- 
tion of  Gerry  was  also  a  shrewd  move  on  the  part  of 
the  Republicans,  as  he  ha'd  both  the  prestige  of  long 
association  with  that  party  and  his  relations  with  John 
Adams  were  calculated  to  bring  some  Federalist  votes. 


62  June  3,  1799. 

63  March  31,  1800. 

64  October  27,  1800. 

65  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  176,  177. 

66  Returns  in  Mass.  Archives. 

67  Works,   I,   265.     Ames   to   Gore,   November   10,   1799.     Cf.   Plumer's 
remarks   on   the   conduct   of  the   Portsmouth   "mobility."     "The   fashion 
does  not  take  in  the  country — 'tis  confined  to  the  compact  part  of  that 
town."    To  Jeremiah  Smith,  October  17,  1795.    MSS.,  I,  260. 

«8  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  177. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         33 

It  was  admitted  that  he  received  considerable  Federalist 
support.69 

The  result  of  the  election  spread  dismay  among  Fed- 
eralists, as  Gerry  polled  more  than  seventeen  thousand 
votes,  carrying  six  counties,  including  Suffolk  and  the 
capital.70  The  fact  that  Sumner  had  died  in  1799  and 
the  Federalist  candidate,  Caleb  Strong,  lacked  his 
predecessor's  popularity,  must  be  taken  into  considera- 
tion in  this  result.  But  the  Federalist  majority,  though 
reduced,  was  safe,  and  they  had  also  a  strong  majority 
of  votes  in  the  General  Court,  which  chose  the  presiden- 
tial electors. 

As  a  result  of  the  campaign  on  the  bank  issue  in 
New  Hampshire  there  were  over  six  thousand  votes 
cast  against  Gilman,  but  as  in  Massachusetts,  the  legis- 
lature was  safely  Federalist  and  the  "  demon  of  Jacob- 
inism was  effectually  laid  for  this  year  at  least.  "71 
Vermont  and  Rhode  Island  also  show  Republican  gains. 
In  the  former  state,  Tichenor,  who  had  become  very 
popular,  was  re-elected,  but  in  the  legislature  the  Fed- 
eralist majority  was  reduced  to  thirty-four.72  Two 
years  earlier  it  had  been  over  a  hundred.  Rhode  Island 
had  apparently  little  interest  in  state  politics  in  1799 
and  1800.  In  the  latter  year  there  was  a  sharp  contest 
for  the  lieutenant-governorship,  no  one,  as  in  Connec- 
ticut, apparently  having  the  temerity  to  contest  the 
governor's  position.73  It  is  recorded  in  1800,  however, 
that  Federalism  was  losing  ground  at  an  alarming  rate, 

ea  Col.  Centinel,  April  16,  1800.  Ibid.,  October  1.  The  same  complaint 
was  made  that  Levi  Lincoln  was  receiving  Federalist  votes  in  the  fourth 
western  district  and  that  "many  of  the  true  faith  were  falling/' 

TO  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  179,  180. 

71  Col.  Centinel,  June  14,  1800. 

72  Ibid.,  October  29. 

73  Providence  Journal,  May  21,  1800. 


34  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

owing  to  large  desertions  of  men  who  had  formerly  been 
its  supporters.74 

The  congressional  elections  show  the  same  increase  of 
Republicanism.  Connecticut  and  New  Hampshire,  using 
general  tickets,  elected  solid  Federalist  delegations, 
although  in  the  former  state  three  Republicans  showed 
a  considerable  vote.78  Rhode  Island  under  the  same 
system  chose  two  Republicans,  one  of  them  being  Til- 
linghast,  beaten  so  decisively  two  years  earlier — an  indi- 
cation of  the  impending  revolution  in  that  state.70 
Vermont  maintained  the  same  party  balance,  the  east- 
ern district  electing  a  Federalist  and  the  western  a 
Republican.  In  Massachusetts  the  changes  were  marked. 
Bishop  and  Varnum  were  re-elected  and  the  spread  of 
Republicanism  was  seen  in  the  election  of  John  Bacon 
in  Berkshire  and  Levi  Lincoln  in  Worcester.  Jacob 
Crowninshield,  a  Republican,  was  with  difficulty  beaten 
in  southern  Essex.77  The  election  of  Dr.  William  Eustis 
in  the  Boston  district  was  also  a  severe  blow  to  the 
Federalists. 

The  choice  of  presidential  electors  was  perhaps  the 
most  important  political  event  of  the  year.  In  all  of  the 
New  England  states  except  Rhode  Island  they  were 
appointed  by  the  legislature.  In  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut  the  decision  to  use  this  method  provoked 
deep  resentment  among  Republicans.  In  the  former 
state  it  was  adopted  after  a  spirited  debate  by  a  vote  of 

T*  Col.  Centinel,  November  12,  1800. 

TBConn.  Courant,  October  20,  1800.  Hart  3250,  Gilbert  2921,  Granger 
3012.  The  average  vote  for  the  Federalist  ticket  was  6773. 

*«  Col.  Centinel,  September  27,  1800. 

IT  An  interesting  item  in  connection  with  this  latter  district  shows  not 
only  the  issues  of  the  day,  but  characteristic  American  shrewdness  in  dis- 
crediting an  opponent.  The  Republicans  circulated  tickets  bearing  the 
English  coat  of  arms  over  the  Federalist's  name,  while  that  of  their  own 
candidate  bore  the  American  eagle.  Col.  Centinel,  August  27,  1800.  BENT- 
LET,  Diary,  II,  347. 


THE  GEOWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         35 

122  to  71. 78  In  Connecticut  it  was  declared  that  the 
freemen  had  been  "repeatedly  and  impudently  robbed 
of  one  high  privilege,  choosing  Electors,"  and  "the 
right  of  suffrage  is  the  citadel  of  liberty.  "79  In  Rhode 
Island,  where  "the  good  old  cause  ran  greater  risks 
than  in  any  other  state, "  the  Federalist  ticket  won  by 
the  narrow  majority  of  193.80 

But  in  summing  up  the  political  results  of  the  year, 
Federalism  is  seen  to  be  still  firmly  entrenched  in  New 
England.  Four  of  the  five  governors  were  Federalist, 
Fenner  of  Rhode  Island  being  nominally  a  non-partisan, 
though  he  had  decided  Republican  sympathies.  They 
controlled  all  the  legislatures,  they  had  elected  all  the 
United  States  senators,  a  very  large  majority  of  the 
representatives.  Of  the  local  institutions  which  con- 
tributed to  the  strength  of  the  party,  more  will  be  said 
later.  Clearly  Republicanism  was  only  beginning  its 
conquest  of  New  England. 

"  Col.  Centinel,  June  7,  1800.    An  abstract  of  the  debate  is  given. 

"Am.  Mercury,  September  20,  1800. 

so/fcuf.,  December  6,  1800.  The  account  states  that  "the  eventual  tri- 
umph of  the  Federal  ticket  was  wholly  owing  to  the  unprecedented  exertions 
of  Providence."  The  vote  stood,  Federalist,  2343,  Republican,  2150. 


CHAPTER  III 
THE    GROWTH    OF    REPUBLICANISM,    1800-1807 

In  1800  Jefferson  wrote  to  Granger  of  Connecticut 
discussing  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party  and 
commenting  on  its  remarkable  growth  throughout  the 
country.  He  then  remarked,  "  Still,  should  the  whole 
body  of  New  England  continue  in  opposition  to  these 
principles  of  government,  either  knowingly  or  through 
delusion,  our  government  will  be  a  very  uneasy  one."1 
Two  years  later  Fisher  Ames  was  writing:  "The  fed- 
eralists must  entrench  themselves  in  the  State  govern- 
ments, and  endeavor  to  make  State  justice  and  State 
power  a  shelter  of  the  wise,  and  good,  and  rich,  from 
the  wild  destroying  rage  of  the  Southern  Jacobins. 
Such  a  post  will  be  a  high  one,  from  which  to  combine 
in  our  favor  the  honest  sentiments  of  New  England  at 
least.  Public  opinion  must  be  addressed;  must  be  puri- 
fied from  the  dangerous  errors  with  which  it  is  infected ; 
and,  above  all,  must  be  roused  from  the  prevailing 
apathy,  the  still  more  absurd  and  perilous  trust  in  the 
moderation  of  the  violent,  and  the  tendency  of  revolu- 
tion itself  to  liberty."2  The  political  history  of  New 
England  from  1800  to  1815  was  the  story  of  the  contest 
of  these  opposing  ideas. 

As  has  been  noted  in  discussing  the  elections  of  1800, 
the  Republicans  had  greater  strength  in  Vermont  and 
Rhode  Island  than  elsewhere  in  New  England.  The 

1  FORD,  Jefferson  Writings,  VII,  450. 

2  Works,  I,  310.    Ames  to  Gore,  December  13,  1802. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         37 

elections  of  1801  gave  further  proof  of  this  fact.  Early 
in  the  spring  the  Columbian  Centinel  recorded  that  for 
some  time  Rhode  Island  had  been  "degenerating  to  its 
former  'Know  Ye'  grade "  and  had  again  "arrived  at 
the  nadir  of  politics.  "3  The  Republicans  secured  a 
majority  in  the  legislature  and  voted  an  address  to 
President  Jefferson.4  Republicanism  had  conquered  its 
first  New  England  state.  The  President  was  aware  of 
the  significance  of  this  event  and  on  May  3  wrote  to 
Granger:  "A  new  subject  of  congratulation  has  arisen. 
I  mean  the  regeneration  of  Rhode  Island.  I  hope  it  is 
the  beginning  of  that  resurrection  of  the  genuine  spirit 
of  New  England  which  rises  for  life  eternal.  According 
to  natural  order,  Vermont  will  emerge  next,  because 
least,  after  Rhode  Island,  under  the  yoke  of  hierarchy.  "5 
For  the  next  six  years  the  state  offers  little  of  political 
interest.  Arthur  Fenner  was  re-elected  governor  almost 
without  opposition — except  in  1802 — until  his  death  in 
1805.6  Then,  after  a  deadlock  in  1806,  due  to  the  want 
of  a  popular  majority,  his  son,  James  Fenner,  succeeded 
to  the  chair.  To  the  Federalists  the  state  was  "a  wart 
on  the  body  of  New  England ";  "given  to  idols,  let  her 
alone, "  expresses  their  attitude.7  It  took  an  event  like 

3  April  22,   1801.     Hid.,  May   16.     A  letter  from  Providence  remarks 
dolefully:   "We  have  but  one  consolation  that  at  present  by  the  constitu- 
tion they  cannot  make  paper  money,  for  if  they  could  we  should  apprehend 
the   validity   of   contracts    and   I   fear    the   suspension    of   business    as   in 
1786.   .    .    .   The  legislature  adjourned  yesterday  afternoon  and  almost  all 
the  federal  men  throughout  the  state  who  were  judges  and  held  offices  of 
any  consequence  are  removed  and  Jacobins  substituted. ' ' 

4  Ehode  Island  Schedules,  1801,  21. 

s  FORD,  Jefferson  Writings,  VIII,  48. 

«  In  1802  William  Greene  was  the  Federal  candidate.  Fenner  won  by 
a  vote  of  3802  to  1934.  Providence  Phoenix,  May  11. 

7  Col.  Centinel,  February  19,  1803. 

In  November,  1801,  Ehode  Island  observed  her  emancipation  from  Fed- 
eralism by  refusing  to  appoint  a  day  of  Thanksgiving,  the  latter  custom 
savoring  too  much  of  the  ' f  presbyterian  tyranny ' '  of  Massachusetts. 


38  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

the  laying  of  the  embargo  to  shake  the  state  out  of  its 
apathy. 

Jefferson's  belief  that  Vermont  would  be  the  first  to 
follow  Rhode  Island's  example  proved  correct.  The 
fall  election  gave  the  Republicans  a  majority  in  the  leg- 
islature and  an  address  to  the  President  was  adopted  by 
a  vote  of  eighty-six  to  fifty-nine.8  In  the  previous  ses- 
sion the  Federalists  had  had  a  majority  of  more  than 
thirty.  Isaac  Tichenor,  it  is  true,  was  still  governor, 
but  that  office  meant  little  more  than  the  honor  of  pre- 
siding in  the  council  meetings.9  Tichenor  continued  to 
hold  office,  although  by  lessening  majorities  until  1807. 
As  in  the  case  of  Rhode  Island,  state  politics  in  Vermont 
have  little  interest  in  these  years. 

Connecticut  offered  a  less  promising  field  for  the  new 
party  than  any  of  the  other  states  but  even  here  it  made 
steady  gains  during  the  early  years  of  the  century.  In 
1801  the  Republicans  met  in  Wallingford  to  celebrate 
the  inauguration  of  Jefferson,  and  soon  after,  a  caucus 
at  Norwalk  put  a  state  ticket  in  the  field,  including  a 
candidate  for  governor.10  This  was  practically  the  first 
time  that  opposition  had  been  offered  to  Governor 
Trumbull  and  was  therefore  a  portentous  event. 
"  Everything  dear  and  respectable  is  now  openly  at- 
tacked, "  the  G  our  ant  recorded.11  Trumbull  received 
11,156  votes  in  a  total  of  13,307,  an  apparently  unprom- 

Abstracts  of  speeches  made  in  the  legislature  on  this  occasion  are  found 
in  Conn.  Courant,  November  16.  Col.  Centinel,  November  25.  ' '  Tomorrow 
will  be  observed  as  a  day  of  Thanksgiving  and  praise  throughout  this  state, 
New  Hampshire,  and  Connecticut,  and  by  such  of  the  citizens  of  Ehode 
Island  as  have  the  grace  to  thank  God  for  anything. ' ' 

s  Eecords  of  Governor  and  Council,  IV,  497. 

»N.  H.  Gazette,  September  2,  1806,  describes  Tichenor  as  "the  present 
milk-sop,  half  way  federal  Governor. M 

10  Conn.  Courant,  April  6,  1801. 

11  Ibid. 


THE  GROWTH  OP  REPUBLICANISM         39 

ising  start  for  Republicanism.12  But  there  was  evidence 
that  this  was  not  a  fair  party  test.  There  were  more 
than  thirty  Republicans  in  the  legislature,  and  popular 
gains  in  the  party  were  reported  to  be  taking  place  all 
over  the  state.13  In  any  case  there  was  enough  progress 
in  the  movement  to  excite  alarm  among  the  Federalists 
and  at  the  fall  session  of  the  legislature  a  bill  for  regu- 
lating elections  was  introduced,  a  measure  which  the 
Republicans  charged  was  aimed  directly  at  their  grow- 
ing numbers.  By  this  law  the  justices  of  the  peace  were 
made  presiding  officers  in  all  electoral  assembles  and 
oral  voting  substituted  for  vote  by  ballot.  As  the  jus- 
tices were  appointed  by  the  Federalist  majority  in  the 
legislature,  and  were  in  many  cases  themselves  candi- 
dates for  election,  the  Republicans  felt  that  their  oppo- 
nents by  giving  the  justices  such  powers  were  simply 
entrenching  themselves  to  insure  a  majority.  The 
Republicans  fought  the  passage  of  the  bill  and  on  their 
defeat  drew  up  a  protest  which  was  spread  through  the 
state.14 

Republicanism  gained  slowly  but  surely.  The  num- 
ber of  members  in  the  legislature  rose  to  seventy-eight 
in  1804,  the  greatest  strength  attained  in  this  period.15 
The  vote  for  governor  grew  in  like  proportion.  The 

12  Ibid.,  May  19. 

is  Am.  Mercury,  June  11,  1801.  Contains  an  interesting  article  on  the 
growth  of  Eepublicanism,  including  a  list  of  towns  which  were  "becom- 
ing convinced  that  Federalism  is  a  delusion. ' ' 

i^  An  account  of  the  passage  of  the  bill,  and  the  protest  of  the  minority 
appears  in  Am.  Mercury,  November  5,  1801.  For  the  Federalist  side, 
Conn.  Courant,  November  9.  A  mock  protest  appears  in  which  it  is  stated 
that  under  the  old  system  of  balloting,  "the  Eepublican  candidate  has 
obtained  many  hundred  votes  which  persons  would  have  been  ashamed  to 
give  had  they  been  known.  The  freemen  will  blush  to  vote  for  Potter, ' '  etc. 

is  Col.  Centinel,  October,  1804,  gives  numbers  of  Republicans  in  Con- 
necticut House:  October,  1801,  40;  May,  1802,  55;  October,  1803,  75; 
May,  1804,  78. 


40  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

Republicans  of  Bristol  County,  Massachusetts,  in  1804, 
in  an  address  which  reviewed  New  England  political 
conditions,  referred  to  this  state  as  follows :  "  In  Con- 
necticut truth  and  reason  are  pervading  the  mass  of  the 
people.  A  hallowed  jealousy  is  shaking  their  bigoted 
assembles  and  the  pontifical  chair  of  the  clergy  totters 
beneath  them."16  This  was  perhaps  an  optimistic  view, 
but  Republicanism  was  unquestionably  stirring  the 
political  life  of  the  state  as  it  had  never  been  stirred 
before.  In  Connecticut,  unlike  the  oth,er  states,  the 
Republicans  had  a  somewhat  radical  program.  A  more 
liberal  suffrage,  constitutional  reform,  and,  above  all, 
religious  liberty,  were  questions  brought  before  the 
public  between  1801  and  1804.  In  the  legislature, 
debates  were  long  and  acrimonious  and  the  rival  news- 
papers were  filled  with  scurrilous  attacks  on  party 
leaders.  But  Federalism  retained  control  of  the  state 
almost  unshaken.  Connecticut  was  essentially  con- 
servative.17 The  Federalist  administration  of  the  state 
had  been  economical  and  honest;  the  older  leaders  still 
retained  the  respect  of  the  people;  the  clergy  and  the 
bar  used  their  influence  against  all  forms  of  innovation. 
The  property  qualification  and  the  election  law  may  have 
helped,  but  probably  Connecticut  remained  Federalist 
because  the  majority  of  the  people  were  satisfied  to  vote 
as  they  had  always  voted.18  The  statement  of  the 
Courant  that  ' '  Connecticut  can  never  be  disorganized, 

is  Ind.  Chronicle,  March  15,  1804. 

IT  Eepublican  Watchtower,  July  27,  1801.  "That  Connecticut  compared 
to  her  sister  states,  possesses  a  vast  mass  of  prejudice  is  a  fact  generally 
admitted.  .  .  .  The  ambition  of  her  leading  characters  overleaps  republican 
bounds. ' ' 

is  A  good  summary  of  Connecticut 's  political  history  for  this  period  is 
J.  C.  WELLING,  Connecticut  Federalism,  in  Addresses,  lectures  and  other 
papers.  Cambridge,  Mass.,  1904.  See  also,  GREENE,  Eeligious  Liberty 
in  Conn. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         41 

revolutionized,  or  demoralized,  except  at  a  thin  free- 
man's meeting"  seems  to  have  been  based  on  real 
facts.19 

N^xt  to  Connecticut,  Massachusetts  offered  the  most 
stubborn  resistance  to  Republicanism.  Like  the  people 
of  the  former  state,  her  inhabitants  were  slow  in  chang- 
ing their  habits.  In  the  pre-revolutionary  days  "ten 
years  of  strenuous  opposition  were  required  to  convince 
peopleTEat ~  Hutchinson  was  an  enemy  of  rights  and 
liberty."20  Boston,  the  intellectual  and  commercial 
center"  of  New  England,  became  the  political  headquar- 
ters of  the  leading  Federalists,  who  maintained  in  this 
stronghold  an  almost  fanatical  opposition  to  Jefferson 
and  his  party.21  Hampshire,  the  great  interior  county 
of  the  state,  was  also  an  area  of  pronounced  conserva- 
tism.22 

But  unlike  Connecticut,  the  state  had,  as  has  been 
noted,  a  well-developed  party  system.  The  Republi- 
cans had  also  a  group  of  leaders,  not  equal  to  the  Fed- 
eralists it  is  true,  but  nevertheless  of  considerable 
ability.  Eustis,Varnum,  Gerry,  Dearborn,  Lincoln, 
Sullj^an,  were  probably  IM  'b^sl  known  and  ablfiBtTof 
the  JSIew  England  Republicans.  Federalism  never 
had  the  complete  dominance  which  it  enjoyed  in  Con- 
necticut and  only  by  desperate  exertions  was  it  able  to 
hold  its  own. 

The  attempt  to  displace  Governor  Strong  did  not  meet 

is  April  6,  1801. 

20  Ind.  Chronicle,  April  9,  1804. 

21  AMORY,  Life  of  James  Sullivan,  II,  123.    The  Ind.  Chronicle,  Novem- 
ber 22,  1804,  describes  the  political  power  of  Boston  as  due  to  the  influ- 
ence of  bank  interests,  British  agents,  old  and  young  tories,  shopkeepers 
obtaining    English    credit,    insurance    companies,    the    state    officials,    and 
"Essex   and   Plymouth  men   who   have   taken   refuge   in  the   reservoir   of 
aristocracy. ' ' 

22  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  180. 


42  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

with  much  success.  His  majorities  over  Gerry  grew 
steadily  until  1803.  But  while  this  was  the  case,  the 
number  of  Eepublicans  in  the  legislature  increased.23 
The  year  1803  was  characterized  by  lack  of  interest  and 
a  light  vote,  but  1804  brought  back  the  vigor  and  acri- 
mony of  1800.  The  Republicans  nominated  Attorney- 
General  James  Sullivan.  The  campaign  was  sharply 
contested  and  the  vote  much  heavier  than  in  the  pre- 
ceding year.  Strong  was  re-elected  by  a  majority  of 
about  six  thousand,  while  the  Republicans  made  decided 
gains  in  the  legislature.24 

A  remarkable  change  took  place  in  the  District  of 
Maine.  Until  1803  Federalism  had  had  a  decided  major- 
ity, the  people  being  considered  "  peaceable  and  honest 
federalists.  "25  In  the  election  of  this  year,  however, 
the  Republicans  made  a  gain  of  over  four  thousand 
votes,  practically  wiping  out  Strong 's  majority  of 
1803.26  The  Republican  majorities  increased  rapidly 
during  the  next  few  years  and  the  party  maintained 
continuous  control  of  the  District  throughout  the  period 
under  discussion.  As  this  is  practically  the  only  striking 
party  change  in  the  period  it  is  worth  some  examination. 

There  had  been  for  some  time  a  certain  friction 
between  Massachusetts  proper  and  the  District.  The 
latter  was  essentially  a  frontier  country  with  a  rapidly 


23  The  votes  for  Speaker  in  the  House  stood  in  favor  of  the  Federalists : 
1802,  110  to  47;  1803,  124  to  73;  1804,  129  to  103.    N.  H.  Gazette,  June 
12,  1804. 

24  Strong,  30,007 ;  Sullivan,  23,979.    Col.  Centinel,  May  16. 

25  Spooner  's  Vermont  Journal,  March  27,  1804.     Quoted  from  Political 
Barometer.     New  Hampshire  is  described  as  "a  federal  but  not  factious 
state'*  and  as  having  "more  honest  federalism  than  any  other  state  in 
the  Union. " 

2«  For  interesting  comments  on  this  change  see  Ind.  Chronicle,  June  10. 
The  Eastern  Argus,  November  30,  gives  a  summary  of  the  various  elections 
of  the  year. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         43 

growing  population.  There  was  a  feeling  that  the  older 
part  of  the  state  neglected  the  interests  of  Maine,  and 
this  found  expression  in  attempts  to  bring  about  a  sepa- 
ration, those  of  1788,  1792,  and  1797  being  perhaps  the 
most  noteworthy.  The  agitation  never  fully  subsided, 
although  it  was  not  at  this  time  made  a  party  issue.27 
The  people  of  the  District  complained  of  an  inadequate 
judicial  system  and  other  disadvantages  due  to  their 
distance  from  the  capital.28 

BuLthere  was  a  more  serious  grievance  which  early 
in  the  century  aroused  the  antagonism  of  the  two  sec- 
tions ..and  had  important  political  consequences.  After 
the  close  of  the  Revolution  and  later,  the  government 
disposed  of  large  tracts  of  public  land  to  individuals 
a^d^corporations.  The  settlers  who  were  moving  rap- 
idlymforthe^Tew  territory  often  settled  on  these  pro- 
prietary grants,  made  improvements,  and  then  found 
themselves  liable  to  eviction  or  prosecution  as  tres- 
passers. In  many  cases  the  proprietors  were  unable 
or  unwilling  to  give  titles  to  those  who  claimed  them.29 
The  result  was  a  great  deal  of  confusion  and  ill  feeling. 
The  proprietors  were  regarded  as  oppressors  and  acts 
of  violence  against  them  and  their  surveyors  occasion- 
ally took  place. 

The  bearing  of  this  matter  on  the  political  situation 
resembles  that  of  the  Langdon  bank  on  the  politics  of 
New  Hampshire.  The  feeling  of  dissatisfaction  in  Maine 
was  growing  in  force  during  the  years  1800-1804.  In 
the  latter  year  the  governor  urged  that  measures  be 
taken  against  trespassers  in  the  District30  and  soon  after 

27  STANWOOD,    Separation    of    Maine    from    Massachusetts,    Proceedings 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.,  3d  Series,  I,  136-138. 

28  Hid.,  129. 

29  WILLIAMSON,  History  of  Maine,  II,  583-584,  592. 
so  House  Journal,  XXV,  165,  195. 


44  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

this,  events  in  the  legislature  seemed  to  identify  Fed- 
eralism with  the  proprietary  interests. 

The  history  of  this  business  was  used  as  campaign 
material  by  the  Eastern  Argus,  established  in  1803  as 
the  first  Republican  paper  in  the  District.  In  1805,  at 
the  spring  session  of  the  legislature,  a  motion  was  made 
by  William  King  to  inquire  into  the  way  in  which  the 
corporations  or  individual  grantees  had  fulfilled  the 
conditions  of  their  contracts.  When  it  was  found  that 
they  had  not  properly  carried  out  the  terms  of  the  grants 
a  resolve  authorizing  the  attorney-general  to  begin  suit 
against  delinquents  was  passed  by  the  House.  In  the 
Senate,  David  Cobb,  the  president,  who  was  agent  for 
the  Bingham  claims,  was  said  to  have  used  his  influence 
to  bring  about  the  defeat  of  the  measure.31  The  settlers 
were  deeply  aggrieved  at  the  failure  of  the  proprietors 
to  place  additional  settlers,  as  required  by  the  terms  of 
many  grants,  or  to  issue  titles  to  those  who  actually 
occupied  land.  The  refusal  of  the  Federalists  in  the 
legislature  to  require  the  Pejepscot  proprietors,  some 
of  the  worst  offenders,  to  place  settlers,  was  regarded 
as  a  gross  abuse  of  party  power,  the  proprietors  being 
mostly  prominent  Federalists  of  Newburyport  and 
Newbury.32 

There  was  no  doubt  that  the  land  question  made  an 
excellent  issue  on  which  to  appeal  to  the  settlers.  An 
election  address  in  1804,  on  behalf  of  Orchard  Cook, 
then  running  for  Congress  in  the  Lincoln  district,  cites 
that  "he  is  a  friend  to  the  hardy  settlers  of  the  forest, 
and  opposed  to  the  oppressive  demands  of  those  who 
lay  yearly  contributions  on  the  inhabitants  without 

si  See  ALLEN,  Bingham  Land.  Coll.  of  Me.  Hist.  Soc.,  VII,  356.  E. 
Argus,  October  11,  1804,  August  30,  1805,  April  11,  March  28,  1806,  March 
26,  1807. 

.,  March  28,  1806. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         45 

offering  a  title  to  support  their  claims.  "33  A  similar 
address  by  Nathan  Weston,  a  candidate  for  the  council 
two  years  later,  complains  that  Massachusetts  was  inter- 
ested solely  in  the  profits  of  the  sales  and  urges  the 
sale  of  land  in  small  lots  to  real  settlers  only.34  Says 
another  electioneering  document: 

Let  your  towns  be  represented,  and  let  it  be  their  care  to 
arrest  the  selling  of  our  lands  in  large  tracts  to  idle  specula- 
tors, to  supercilious  Lordlings,  whose  haughtiness,  folly,  and 
vanity  you  find  on  trial  to  be  so  insufferable.  If  you  look  well 
to  your  interests,  the  time  is  not  far  distant,  when  you  may 
make  such  just  laws  for  the  limitation  of  real  actions,  that 
Tom  Piper  shall  not  be  able  to  drive  you  from  your  settlements, 
under  the  pretence  that  Jack  Pudding  sold  the  whole  soil  for 
a  Keg  of  Rum,  or  the  State  for  a  Cent  an  Acre.  The  evils,  of 
which  our  settlers  have  so  justly  complained  would  probably 
have  been  long  since  remedied,  had  they  had  friends  in  Court.35 

Such  appeals  were  undoubtedly  effective.  To  the 
settler  in  the  wilderness,  the  title  to  land  was  one  of 
the  great  objects  of  life.  The  idea  that  the  Federalists 
in  Boston,  hundreds  of  miles  away,  were  responsible  for 
their  difficulties  was  intolerable.  There  need  be  no  sur- 
prise that  in  1804  it  is  reported  "  There  is  a  revolution- 
ary spirit  of  politics  operative  in  the  province  of 
Maine.  "3<5  The  importance  of  the  land  question  was 
fully  recognized  at  the  time.  The  Federalists  com- 
plained that  ' '  demagogues "  were  urging  the  settlers  to 
defeat  Governor  Strong,  in  order  to  avert  wholesale 
evictions.37  The  results  of  elections  in  1804,  1805,  and 
1806  showed  the  effectiveness  of  this  campaign.  Even 

ss  E.  Argus,  November  1,  1804. 

34/fctd.,  April  11,  1806. 

ss  Ibid.,  July  5,  1805. 

3«  Portland  Gazette,  December  24,  1804. 

37  Ibid.,  May  12,  1806. 


46  JEPFEBSONIAN  DEMOCEACY 

General  Knox  was  beaten  in  1804  by  Joshua  Adams,  a 
blacksmith,  the  objection  to  him  being  that  he  owned 
too  much  land,  and  "A  great  land  holder  is  a  kind  of 
natural  Aristocrat.'"8  The  Federalist  belief  was  that 
"mere  politics  had  very  little  influence  in  changing  the 
District  of  Maine/'39  but  in  any  case  the  change  was  of 
great  importance  and  had  a  vital  influence  on  Massa- 
chusetts politics.40  The  Republicans  in  the  state  proper 
now  had  a  powerful  auxiliary  in  the  district,  and  the 
alliance  enabled  them  for  the  first  time  to  break  down 
the  power  of  the  Federalist  party.  The  widespread 
belief  that  "the  patentee  is  not  the  proper  person  to 
legislate  for  the  squatter "  led  to  a  demand  that  the 
Maine  towns  send  more  representatives  to  the  legislature 
in  order  to  protect  their  interests.41 

The  result  of  the  political  revolution  in  Maine  was  to 
give  the  Eepublicans  an  even  chance  of  victory  in  the 
state  at  large.  The  election  of  1805  further  reduced 

38  E.  Argus,  August  30,  1805. 

39  Portland  Gazette,  May  12,  1806. 

*o  AMES,  Works,  I,  310.  "The  District  of  Maine  grows  yearly  worse 
and  worse.  If  that  part  of  the  state  could  stand  neuter  Massachusetts 
proper  would  be  right  some  years  longer.  Either  we  ought  to  dismember 
that  territory — or  we  should  make  the  most  unremitted  exertions  to  Fed- 
eralize  it."  Ames  to  Pickering,  March  10,  1806. 

The  Federalists  expressed  resentment  at  the  loss  of  power  by  this  means. 
Col.  Centinel,  April  30,  1806.  "Shall  the  Squatters  of  Maine  impose  a 
governor  on  Massachusetts?"  A  Fourth  of  July  toast  in  Boston  in  the 
same  year,  "Old  Massachusetts — may  it  soon  be  purified  from  the  dross 
of  Maine,  and  so  become  the  brightest  link  in  the  golden  chain  of  our 
union."  E.  Argus,  July  10. 

Further  Eepublican  resentment  was  caused  by  the  Federalist  attempt 
to  disfranchise  the  plantations — largely  in  Maine.  AMORY,  Sullivan,  II,  162. 

*i  E.  Argus,  July  5,  1805.  A  bill  to  pay  town  representatives  from 
the  state  treasury,  defeated  February  10,  1807,  was  probably  a  measure 
intended  to  favor  the  Maine  representatives.  The  vote  was  178  to  75 
against  it.  The  vote  of  the  Maine  delegation  was  43  to  21  in  favor.  House 
Journal,  XXVII,  379. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         47 

Governor  Strong's  majority42  and  for  a  while  the  elec- 
tion of  1806  seemed  to  have  given  the  state  to  the  Repub- 
licans. After  a  long  canvass  of  the  returns  it  was 
finally  decided  that  Strong  was  elected,  but  the  other 
branches  of  the  government  were  Republican.43  The 
campaigns  of  this  year  and  of  the  following  year  were 
exceedingly  bitter,  but  the  Republicans  were  now  the 
winning  party  and  Sullivan  was  elected  governor  by 
over  two  thousand  majority  in  1807.  The  result  was 
received  with  great  satisfaction  by  Republicans  through- 
out the  country.44  The  legislature  in  its  winter  session 
had  already  passed  a  vote  of  confidence  in  the  President. 
Federalism  had  not  such  a  hold  on  New  Hampshire. 
As  has  been  seen,  a  vigorous  opposition  to  Oilman's 
administration  sprang  up  in  1800.  The  Republican 
candidate,  Walker,  was  replaced  in  1802  by  John  Lang- 
don,  whose  long  record  of  public  service  was  a  decided 
asset  to  his  party.  Gilman's  majority  fell  to  about 
sixteen  hundred.45  In  the  legislature  the  Federalists 
had  a  majority  of  four  in  the  Senate  and  about  twenty 
in  the  House.  Two  years  later  Gilman  succeeded  by 
but  seventy-four  votes  and  the  Republicans  controlled 
the  legislature.46  The  conquest  of  New  Hampshire  was 
more  rapid  than  that  of  Massachusetts  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  Langdon  won  by  the  decisive  majority  of 
3810.47  The  collapse  of  the  Federalist  party  in  this  year 
is  interesting.  In  1806  Langdon  polled  15,277  in  a  total 
vote  of  20,573,  although  the  fact  that  about  eight  thou- 

«  FORD,  Jefferson  Writings,  VIII,   354.     To   Sullivan,   May  21,   1805. 
"Another  year  restores  Massachusetts  to  the  general  body  of  the  nation. " 

43  STAN  WOOD,  The  Massachusetts  Election  in  1806.     Proceedings  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.,  2d  Series,  XX,  12. 

44  See  quotations  in  Ind.  Chronicle,  June  8,  1807. 

45  Oilman,  10,377;  Langdon,  8753.    Col.  Centinel,  June  5,  1802. 

46  N.  H.  Gazette,  June  12,  1804.    The  total  vote  was  24,452. 

47  Hid.,  June  11,  1805. 


48  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

sand  less  votes  were  cast  in  this  year  than  in  1805  shows 
that  there  was  a  large  body  of  voters  which  could  become 
formidable  to  the  Republicans  if  again  brought  to  the 
polls.48  x 

In  national  politics  Republicanism  made  great  gains 
although  not  as  complete  as  in  the  state.  Con- 
necticut and  New  Hampshire  adhered  to  the  general 
ticket  system,  the  former  sending,  under  the  appor- 
tionment of  1801,  seven  representatives,  the  latter  five. 
The  former  of  course  sent  only  Federalists.  New 
Hampshire  first  sent  a  Republican  delegation  in  1806. 
Rhode  Island's  two  representatives  were  also  chosen  by 
general  ticket  and  were  Republicans  in  each  case.  Ver- 
mont had  used  the  district  system,  the  state  for  several 
terms  electing  one  Federalist  and  one  Republican. 
Under  the  new  apportionment  the  state  was  allowed 
four  members.  In  1802  the  delegation  was  evenly 
divided,  in  the  two  succeeding  elections  the  Republicans 
had  three  of  the  four  members.  Massachusetts  now 
had  seventeen  members;  by  1806  eleven  of  the  number 
were  Republicans,  the  Federalists  retaining  their  hold 
only  on  north  Essex,  Suffolk,  Hampshire,  and  Worces- 
ter. 

The  presidential  election  of  1804  showed  remarkable 
Republican  strength.  In  Massachusetts  the  Federalists 
in  the  legislature  were  apparently  unwilling  to  arouse 
the  ill  feeling  of  1800  by  again  appointing  electors 
themselves.  Accordingly,  the  vote  was  given  to  the 
people,  the  electors  to  be  voted  on  by  general  ticket. 
This  was  received  with  scant  enthusiasm  by  the  Repub- 

48  Portsmouth  Oracle,  June  14,  1806.  In  his  message  the  governor  men- 
tioned that  differences  in  political  sentiments  were  fast  subsiding. 

Ibid.,  September  6,  in  reference  to  congressional  elections,  "In  regard 
to  the  late  election,  nobody  appears  to  have  any  interest  in  it  except  the 
candidates  themselves. ' ' 

See  also  Col.  Centinel,  March  15,  1806. 


THE  GEOWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         49 

licans  who  had  demanded  a  vote  by  district.49  The 
result,  however,  was  a  general  surprise,  for  the  Repub- 
licans carried  the  state.  In  New  Hampshire  there  was 
a  similar  result,  the  Republican  electoral  ticket  being 
successful  where  their  congressional  ticket  had  failed 
a  few  weeks  earlier.50  Vermont  and  Rhode  Island  gave 
their  votes  to  Jefferson,  the  former  state  electing 
through  the  legislature,51  the  latter  by  popular  vote  on 
general  ticket.52 

By  1807,  then,  the  Republicans  were  in  full  control 
of  the  governments  of  four  New  England  states,  and 
they  had  also  a  majority  of  the  members  of  Congress. 
Governor  Trumbull  in  Connecticut  was  the  only  Fed- 
eralist of  importance  who  still  held  state  office.  The 
change  during  the  last  seven  years  had  been  sweeping, 
and  yet  had  few  revolutionary  characteristics.  Maine 
was  the  only  region  which  showed  a  sudden  and  complete 
change  in  political  opinion. 

There  is  a  noticeable  lack  of  local  issues  in  all  the 
states  except  Connecticut  and  there  Federalism  held  its 
own.  Parties  were  now  on  a  national  basis  and  national 
affairs  until  the  latter  part  of  Jefferson's  second  admin- 
istration offered  no  issues  which  could  be  brought  home 
to  people  as  were  the  revenue  or  sedition  measures  of 
1798.  The  personal  element  was  of  course  a  strong  fac- 
tor, and  the  reliance  on  such  eminently  "safe"  men  as 

».4»Col.  Centinel,  June  9,  16,  1804.  The  protests  of  the  Senate  and  House 
minorities  were  published  June  20. 

50  The  votes   in   1804   stood:    Governor,   Federalist,    12,216,   Eepublican, 
12,039;   Electoral,  Federalist,  8386,  Eepublican,  9083;   Congressional,  Fed- 
eralist, 10,881,  Eepublican,  10,455.    Col.  Centinel,  September  12,  1804. 

In  Massachusetts  the  vote  stood:  Governor,  Federalist,  29,197,  Eepub- 
lican, 23,755;  Electoral,  Federalist,  25,139,  Eepublican,  29,254.  Ind. 
Chronicle,  November  15,  22,  1804. 

51  Eecords  of  Governor  and  Council,  V,  88. 

52  Col.  Centinel,  July  4,  1804. 


50  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

Tichenor,  Trumbull,  or  Strong  gave  the  Federalists  a 
strength  which  was  not  shown  in  other  parts  of  the 
government. 

Appeals  to  the  voters  in  New  Hampshire  and  Massa- 
chusetts where  the  struggle  was  closest  and  most  excit- 
ing show  few  traces  of  a  definite  party  program.  There 
is  a  great  deal  of  talk  about  the  comparative  dangers 
of  aristocracy  and  democracy  and  an  endless  variety  of 
personal  attacks,  such  as  those  on  Sullivan,  whom  the 
Federalists  charged  with  numerous  sharp  practices.53 
A  Eepublican  address  of  1804  attacks  Strong  for  his 
subservience  to  the  Essex  Junto;  men  of  "Hamilton 
monarchic  tendencies "  and  "friends  of  standing  armies 
and  the  funding  system.  "54  In  New  Hampshire,  elec- 
tioneering documents  have  a  similar  tone.  Gilman  was 
upheld  as  a  faithful  public  servant  who  should  not  be 
turned  out;  his  opponents  urged  that  he  had  held  office 
long  enough  and  that  it  was  time  for  a  change — "the 
pernicious  principle  of  rotation, "  as  the  Federalists 
styled  this  argument.55 

But  national  matters  formed  the  basis  of  most  of 
the  party  appeals  and  here  the  Eepublicans  had  the 
popular  arguments.  The  Federalists  might  lament  the 
defenseless  condition  of  the  coast,  the  destruction  of  the 
navy,  the  repeal  of  the  Judiciary  Act,  but  none  of  these 
measures  would  make  an  unfavorable  impression  on  the 
majority  of  the  voters.  The  noisy  demonstration  of  the 
leading  Federalists  in  1804  against  the  Louisiana  pur- 
chase, and  the  sweeping  victory  of  the  Republicans  in 
the  same  year  show  how  little  public  feeling  was  aroused 
against  this  act  of  the  President.  The  general  pros- 
perity of  Jefferson's  first  administration  reacted 

53  AMORY,  Sullivan,  II,  142-156. 

54  Ind.  Chronicle,  March  1,  4,  1804. 

85  Portsmouth  Oracle,  February  20,  1802. 


THE  GROWTH  OF  REPUBLICANISM         51 

strongly  in  favor  of  his  party.  "The  people  do  not 
believe  that  prudence  and  economy  in  the  national  gov- 
ernment are  criminal  or  that  they  are  all  going  to  be 
ruined  because  they  have  no  taxes  to  pay,"  says  an 
address  to  the  voters  of  New  Hampshire.56  The  real 
weakness  and  folly  of  some  features  of  the  Jeffersonian 
regime  were  soon  to  be  demonstrated,  however  popular 
it  was  in  1804. 

Why  did  Massachusetts  vote  for  Jefferson?  [asks  the  Ameri- 
can Mercury  in  1804].  The  Federalists  pretend  it  is  only  a 
temporary  departure  from  the  old  school.  The  change  has 
arrived  as  the  similar  change  has  arrived  in  other  states.  The 
federalists  traded  too  powerfully  under  Mr.  Adams  on  the 
strength  of  three  votes  majority.  .  .  .  They  foretold  the  wicked 
things  the  new  President  would  do,  and  he  has  not  done  them. 
.  .  .  People  know  the  difference  between  a  government  aimed 
for  their  good  and  a  government  aimed  at  the  exclusive  glory 
of  the  rulers.  .  .  .  The  majority  of  the  people  have  discovered 
that  their  federalists  did  not  possess  the  piety,  talents,  or 
political  integrity  which  they  claimed.57 

The  significance  of  Republican  growth  in  these  seven 
years  is  shown  by  later  events.  There  was  now  an 
evenly  balanced  party  system  throughout  the  region. 
One  party  was  almost  wholly  sectional,  the  other, 
national.  Had  the  Federalists  maintained  their  pre- 
dominance of  1798,  the  history  of  the  Union  would  prob- 
ably have  been  changed  by  the  events  of  1808  to  1815. 
For  the  next  seven  years  Republicanism  was  able  for 
the  most  part,  to  counterbalance  the  dangerous  tenden- 
cies of  Federalism. 

B«  N.  H.  Gazette,  August  7,  1804. 
57  December  6,  1804. 


CHAPTER  IV 

\ 

PAETY   METHODS 

The  spread  of  "Republican  light  and  truth "  or  of 
"the  wicked  and  subversive  principles  of  Jacobinism," 
to  use  the  terms  of  supporters  or  opponents  of  the 
movement,  was  not,  of  course,  wholly  spontaneous. 
Education  and  organization  played  the  same  vitally 
important  part  that  they  have  in  the  growth  of  other 
political  parties.  The  obstacles  to  the  development  of 
a  new  party  were  formidable.  Political  indifference  has 
already  been  discussed;  poor  means  of  travel  and  com- 
munication and  expensive  printing  were  additional 
factors.  Besides  these,  the  excessive  localism  of  town 
organization  and  the  influence  of  its  clerical  and  politi- 
cal leaders  covered  New  England  with  Federalist 
redoubts  which  could  only  be  captured  by  long  continued 
and  scientific  sapping  and  mining.  For  such  operations 
regulars  were  needed  as  well  as  militia. 

In  any  discussion  of  party  organization  and  methods 
in  this  period  certain  facts  must  be  kept  in  mind.  The 
conception  of  party  and  its  functions  at  the  opening  of 
the  nineteenth  century  was,  at  least  on  the  part  of  the 
Federalists,  essentially  different  from  our  own.  The 
modern  idea  of  party  as  an  association  of  citizens  aiming 
at  the  expression  of  legislative  or  administrative  poli- 
cies through  control  of  governmental  machinery  had 
not  yet  been  accepted.  Perhaps  the  attitude  of  the 
Federalists  on  this  question  constitutes  the  best  evi- 
dence on  the  existence  of  class  rule.  To  them,  political 


PARTY  METHODS  53 

organization  meant  conspiracy,  and  party  an  unmixed 
evil.  *  Opposition  was  aimed,  not  at  policies,  but  at  insti- 
tutions. "  Insurgents "  is  the  term  applied  by  William 
Plumer  to  the  first  Republicans  appearing  in  New 
Hampshire.1  Throughout  the  period  Federalists  looked 
back  longingly  to  the  Golden  Age  before  state  or  town 
was  disrupted  by  electioneering.  Typical  of  this  atti- 
tude are  utterances  in  the  Massachusetts  Mercury  in 
1800.  "It  is  to  be  regretted  that  parties  are  inseparable 
from  all  free  governments  but  like  all  human  enjoy- 
ments, liberty  must  have  its  alloy.  .  .  .  Naturally  there 
can  be  but  two  parties  in  a  Country;  the  friends  of 
order  and  its  foes.  Under  the  banners  of  the  first  are 
ranged  all  men  of  property,  all  quiet,  honest,  peaceable, 
orderly,  unambitious  citizens.  In  the  ranks  of  the  last 
are  enlisted  all  desperate,  embarrassed,  unprincipled,  dis- 
orderly, ambitious,  disaffected,  morose  men."2  In  the 
writings  of  the  party  leaders,  in  their  sermons,  pam- 
phlets, and  newspapers  the  same  idea  is  constantly 
found. 

Less  familiar  than  those  of  Cabot,  Ames,  or  Picker- 
ing, the  ideas  of  William  Plumer  are  as  typical  of  Fed- 
eralist sentiment.  The  grant  or  refusal  of  commercial 
charters  for  political  reasons  has  not  disappeared  from 
American  politics,  but  it  would  take  a  politician  of 
sturdier  breed  than  now  appears  at  our  state  capitals 
to  stand  on  the  floor  of  the  House  and  oppose  the  grant 
of  a  bank  charter  for  the  reasons  he  urged  in  1800. 
"The  memorialists  have  established  a  Gazette  called 
the  Ledger,  the  very  soul  of  which  is  opposition  to  the 

1  MSS.,  I,  288.    Plumer  to  Smith,  March  9,  1796. 

2  Quoted  by  N.  H.  Gazette,  August  26,  1800.     Cf.  E.  Argus,  March  16, 
1804.     "It  is  customary  with  some  to  call  the  free  exercise  of  Popular 
Suffrage,  Eevolutionizing,  and  every  change  in  the  Officers  of  Government, 
tho'   effected   by   suffrage   only,   a   Kevolution."     Quoted   from   Political 
Observatory. 


54  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

administration.  That  this  paper  is  the  vehicle  of  the 
vilest  slander  and  the  most  virulent  calumny  against 
men  in  office.  .  .  .  Its  columns  are  filled  with  extracts 
from  the  most  false  and  filthy  publications  that  dis- 
grace the  Aurora,  the  Press,  the  Times,  the  Telegraphe 
and  other  papers  established  for  the  avowed  purpose  of 
effecting  a  revolution  of  the  State  and  general  govern- 
ment. "  To  incorporate  these  men  as  a  banking  society 
would  be  to  give  them  "the  means  of  extending  their 
political  poison  with  more  certain  success";  it  would 
"furnish  our  internal  enemies  with  arms  against  our- 
selves, "  particularly  when  in  the  last  election  "they 
employed  runners  through  the  state  to  oppose  the  elec- 
tion of  the  present  governor  and  every  federal  coun- 
cillor, senator  and  representative.  "3  Two  years  later, 
showing  the  reluctance  of  Federalists  to  recognize  the 
passing  of  the  old  order,  he  writes  that  while  "the  minds 
of  many  people  appear  in  a  state  of  fermentation  and 
discover  a  strong  inclination  to  effect  a  change  in  their 
rulers,"  yet  "if  our  Republican  government  can  be 
supported  for  a  few  years  more,  I  fondly  hope  this 
unreasonable  spirit  of  jealousy  and  distrust  of  men  in 
office  will  subside.  That  the  people  will  see  that  the 
principal  motive  that  influences  the  conduct  of  our  fault 
finders  is  to  obtain  offices  not  to  diminish  public  ex- 
penses— and  that  they  will  again  return  to  their  old 
sober  habits  of  life  &  venerate  the  men  of  their  former 
choice. '  '4 

The  attitude  toward  party  organization  and  campaign 
practices  is  similar.  The  Republicans  were  held  respon- 
sible for  such  innovations.  "While  abusing  Great 
Britain,"  says  one  writer,  "they  copy  there,  abuses  of 

3  MSS.,  I,  425.     Plumer  to  Smith,  June  14,  1800,  giving  a  summary  of 
his  speech  in  the  legislature. 

4  Ibid.,  449.    Plumer  to  Upham,  June  27,  1802. 


PAKTY  METHODS  55 

the  true  freedom  of  election.  Until  recently  elections 
in  New  England  were  free  beyond  any  example  to  be 
found  elsewhere. "  In  the  strictest  sense  officers  were 
chosen  by  the  people,  bribery  was  unknown,  and  "it 
was  imprudent  to  express  a  wish  for  promotion/'  as 
merit  could  alone  bring  political  success.  "Unhappily 
our  democrats  have  already  had  some  influence  in  chang- 
ing this  truly  republican  state  of  things "  and  "the 
detestable  practise  of  electioneering  is  coming  in," 
copied  by  the  South  from  Great  Britain  and  from  there 
brought  into  New  England.5 

The  effect  of  the  above  attitude  toward  party  and 
party  machinery  is  readily  seen.  Organization  and  elec- 
tioneering were  forced  under  cover;  when  detected  they 
were  admitted  to  be  outside  the  accepted  rules  of  the 
game  but  justifiable  as  measures  of  retaliation.  The 
student  of  the  subject  finds  his  task  made  heavier  and  he 
is  forced  to  glean  most  of  his  knowledge  from  an  occa- 
sional circular  or  broadside  and  from  the  prejudiced 
comment  of  opposing  newspapers. 

Prior  to  the  advent  of  the  Republicans  there  is  little 
information  as  to  party  machinery  and  it  continues 
scanty  until  after  1800.  In  the  earlier  period,  various 
factors  made  needless  an  extensive  organization;  indif- 
ference, the  narrow  range  of  political  interest,  the  long 
terms  of  public  officers.  People  could  be  trusted  to 
accept  the  candidates  offered  by  informal  conferences 
of  the  leaders.  The  lack  of  organized  effort  is  seen  in 
the  large  number  of  candidates  frequently  offered  and 

B  Conn.  Courant,  February  2,  1801.  Cf.  Mass.  Spy,  May  11,  1803. 
1 ' Villicus. ' '  "The  newspapers  whose  columns  were  once  adorned  and 
made  highly  useful  to  the  perusers  by  moral  and  religious'  essays  are  now 
crowded  with  vile  aspersions  against  men  and  measures.  Elections  were 
once  conducted  with  decorum  and  unanimity:  respect  was  paid  to  such  men, 
only,  as  were  distinguished  for  their  probity  and  talents.  Now  they  have 
become  the  objects  of  intrigue,  the  time  for  contentions  and  strife. ' ' 


56  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

the  difficulty  of  securing  a  majority  for  any  one.6  Cam- 
paigning was  the  work  of  guerillas  rather  than  disci- 
plined organizations,  the  "itinerant  Jacobins "  of  1792 
or  the  "runners"  mentioned  by  Plumer.7  Conditions 
rapidly  change,  however,  after  1800.  Within  a  few 
years  both  parties  were  organized  and  disciplined  along 
practically  the  same  lines. 

Among  the  objects  of  party  organization,  Mr.  Bryce 
remarks,  are  the  nomination  of  candidates,  the  promo- 
tion of  unity,  inspiring  enthusiasm  and  energy,  and  the 
education  of  the  voter  with  a  view  to  adding  him  to  the 
party  ranks.  The  first  of  these  objects  was  secured 
by  the  establishment  of  what  is  probably  the  most  pow- 
erful and  important  piece  of  party  machinery  to  be 
found  in  this  period,  the  legislative  caucus.  It  is  found 
in  active  operation  in  Rhode  Island  as  early  as  1790, 
and  it  is  very  probable  that  in  all  the  states  leaders 
would  take  advantage  of  their  presence  at  the  capital 
to  discuss  future  action.  Events  of  1800,  however,  gave 
this  body  vastly  greater  importance.  It  would  have 
been,  under  any  conditions,  a  powerful  institution. 
Communication  was  slow  and  difficult  and  it  would  have 
been  hard  indeed  on  any  other  occasion  to  have  secured 

«  LUETSCHER,  Early  Political  Machinery,  121.  In  1800  there  were  reported 
to  be  ' '  nearly  a  dozen ' '  candidates  contesting  the  Vermont  eastern  district. 
Mass.  Spy,  October  8,  1800. 

7MSS.,  I,  161.  Plumer  to  Foster,  June  28,  1790.  "The  people  appear 
divided  &  trifles  light  as  air  unite  and  divide  them^  Eunners  are  active, 
many  of  whom  are  unprincipled  rascals."  See  also  283  (1796)  and  410 
(1800).  Also  cf.  21],  Page  to  Plumer,  June  26,  1792.  ''All  was  con- 
fusion— the  parties  were  not  formed  for  electing  members  to  Congress  & 
were  so  much  afraid  of  each  other  that  they  strove  only  to  conceal  them- 
selves &  their  designs." 

The  Conn.  Journal,  April  4,  1799,  states,  "Your  democratic  literati, 
so  often  at  houses  of  public  entertainment  harangue  the  mob,  and  with 
unparalleled  effrontery  insult  the  understanding  and  weary  the  patience 
of  the  traveler." 


PARTY  METHODS  57 

a  meeting  of  so  many  persons  from  such  widely  sepa- 
rated parts  of  the  state.8  Then,  too,  its  members  were 
influential  men  in  their  own  localities  who  would  go 
home  ready  to  carry  out  the  plans  decided  on  in  the 
meeting.  A  contemporary  defense  of  the  Vermont 
Republican  caucus  says :  i '  It  cannot  be  denied  that  infor- 
mation respecting  the  candidates  for  office  is  necessarily 
to  be  obtained  by  some  means  or  other,  unless  every 
man  would  vote  for  the  inhabitants  of  his  own  town  or 
neighborhood  only,  which  is  contrary  to  the  nature  of 
our  government,  and  information  from  representatives 
of  the  people  and  other  eminent  characters  who  usually 
attend  the  legislature  is  generally  the  most  correct  that 
can  be  obtained.  "9 

It  did  not,  however,  receive  full  approbation  as  is 
indicated  by  the  apologetic  tone  adopted  in  the  addresses 
issued  to  the  public.  A  Federalist  defense  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts caucus  of  1800,  in  reply  to  the  charge  that  they 
were  dictating  to  the  voters,  explains  that  its  members 
met  "not  in  their  legislative  capacity, "  but  merely  as 
citizens  interested  in  a  common  cause  "to  discuss  the 
merits  of  certain  persons "  as  candidates,  while  in  spite 
of  their  outcry  the  Jacobins  had  met  the  same  evening 
"in  an  obscure  room  in  the  easterly  part  of  Boston. "10 
An  address  issued  by  the  Federalist  caucus  in  Connec- 
ticut in  1803  admits  that  the  meeting  and  the  address 
constitute  "a  deviation  from  the  ancient  practice  of  the 
state "  but  are  rendered  necessary  by  the  growing 
activity  of  their  opponents.11  In  functions  and  meth- 

s  Political  meetings  in  this  period  were  frequently  held  when  court  was 
in  session  in  order  to  take  advantage  of  the  presence  of  the  crowd.  See 
E.  Argus,  February  24,  1806;  BENTLEY,  Diary,  III,  359;  National  Aegis, 
September  24,  1806;  Vt.  Eepublican,  May  11,  1812. 

sSpooner's  Vt.  Journal,  March  17,  1806. 

10  Mass.  Spy,  March  26,  1800. 

11  Conn.  Courant,  June  8,  1803.     The  same  apologetic  attitude  toward 


58  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

ods  there  seems  to  have  been  no  difference  between  the 
caucuses  of  the  two  parties,  except  that  Republicans 
claimed  to  be  free  from  the  secrecy  which  characterized 
their  opponents.  Thus  a  comparison  of  the  two  legis- 
lative caucuses  held  at  Rutland,  Vt.,  in  1804,  states  that 
the  Republicans  met  believing  it  a  fair  way  of  learning 
the  public  mind  and  "the  most  potent  antidote  against 
private  electioneering "  and  published  the  results  of 
their  deliberations,  while  at  the  same  time  about  thirty 
Federalists  met  under  a  solemn  agreement  to  secrecy. 
"The  Federalists  industriously  circulate  stories  against 
caucuses,  and  the  very  idea  of  caucuses  has  alarmed 
many  people."12  The  New  Hampshire  situation  is 
described  thus:  "Their  caucusses  have  differed  from 
our  conventions  in  these  particulars — theirs  have  been 
extremely  secret,  while  ours  have  been  open — theirs 
have  been  in  the  night,  ours  in  the  day,  a  few  only  (the 
well  born)  have  been  admitted  to  theirs — to  ours  all  who 
pleased  to  attend.  "18  Federalist  hypocrisy  in  the  matter 
of  party  organization  is  constantly  denounced  by  their 
opponents.14 

the  caucus  is  seen  in  the  following  comment  on  the  New  Hampshire  caucus. 
N.  H.  Gazette,  June  3,  1806.  "It  is  said  there  will  be  no  legislative  cau- 
cussing  the  present  session. — The  Republican  cause  stands  on  such  firm 
ground  that  the  people  may  be  safely  trusted  with  the  selection  of  proper 
candidates  for  office,  without  other  guidance  or  influence  than  their  own 
judgment.  Legislative  Caucussing  has  been  always  opposed,  but  defended 
on  the  principle  of  necessity;  if  that  necessity  no  longer  exists,  the  dan- 
gerous and  alarming  practice  will  be  laid  aside. ' ' 

12  Quoted  from  Vt.  Gazette  by  Pol.  Observatory,  October  19,  1805.  Ref- 
erence to  preceding  year. 

is  Ibid.,  March  9,  1805;  also  July  28,  1804.  A  description  of  the 
Federalist  system  of  holding  caucuses  ' '  in  dark  chambers,  beneath  the 
security  of  lock  and  key  with  permission  for  none  to  enter  but  the  ini- 
tiated."  According  to  this,  their  legislative  caucus  met  in  a  Concord 
schoolhouse  at  4  a.m. 

i*  See  Spooner's  Vt.  Journal,  March  17,  1806;  E.  Argus,  April  6,  1804; 
Pol.  Observatory,  April  21,  1804.  Salem  Register,  February  28,  1805.  The 


PARTY  METHODS  59 

The  functions  of  the  legislative  caucus  were  very 
extensive.  Its  nominating  powers  were  great,  and  from 
it  originated  the  powerful  committee  system  that  will 
presently  be  discussed.  In  all  the  states  it  nominated 
candidates  for  the  higher  executive  offices.  In  Connec- 
ticut and  Vermont  it  nominated  the  councillors,  in 
Rhode  Island  and  in  New  Hampshire,  until  1810,  the 
senators.15  Where  national  representatives  were  chosen 
by  general  ticket  it  also  made  nominations10  and  at  times 
appears  to  have  made  district  nominations.17  When 
presidential  electors  were  chosen  by  popular  vote  the 
caucus  drew  up  the  ticket.18 

In  Massachusetts  the  power  of  the  caucus  over  nomi- 
nations- -was- -considerably  less.  Senators  were  elected 
by  counties  and  national  representatives  by  districts, 
with  the  result  that  the  county  meeting  or  "  convention, ' ' 
as  it  comes  to  be  styled,  is  of  some  importance.  Prior 
to  1800  it  seems  to  have  had  but  slight  importance, 
although  making  nominations  occasionally  even  then.19 
Its  importance  grows  with  the  increase  in  political 

following  comment  of  later  date  may  be  of  interest.  Nat'l  Aegis,  Decem- 
ber 25,  1816.  "Do  they  assemble  to  select  a  candidate  for  publick  office? 
It  is  called  a  large  and  respectable  Meeting  of  Federalists.  .  .  .  Their 
conclaves  are  called  'meetings'  and  Kepublican  assemblages  for  similar 
purposes  are  styled  'caucuses.'  Monroe  is  selected  for  the  Presidency  by 
a  Caucus — and  Gov.  Brooks  is  proposed  as  Governor  by  a  Federal  Meeting. ' ' 

IB  LUETSCHER,  Early  Political  Machinery,  119-124  passim.  Also  see  fol- 
lowing for  statements  regarding  work  of  Republican  caucuses :  Pol.  Observa- 
tory, August  10,  1805  (Vt.);  Ibid.,  September  14  (Conn.). 

Plumer  MSS.,  IV,  123  [In  N.  H.].  "The  democrats  held  a  general 
caucus  and  nominated  every  candidate,"  J.  W.  Thompson  to  Plumer, 
February  27,  1804. 

m  Ibid.,  I,  428,  gives  account  of  New  Hampshire  caucus  of  1800  which 
nominated  ticket  of  representatives. 

IT  Spooner  's  Vt.  Journal,  November  27,  1804,  January  15,  1805.  There 
was  considerable  opposition  to  this  nomination. 

is  Nat'l  Aegis,  September  5,  1804.    Mass.  Spy,  June  22,  1808. 

isDALLiNGER,  Nominations  for  Elective  Office  in  the  United  States, 
23-25. 


60  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

interest.  It  was  a  necessary  concession  to  local  feel- 
ing.20 Congressional  districts  usually  coincided  with 
county  lines,  and  in  some  cases  where  two  districts  were 
included,  the  county  convention  nominated  candidates 
for  both.21  For  a  number  of  years  the  county  meeting 
seems  to  have  been  little  more  than  a  mass  meeting  to 
which  a  general  invitation  was  announced,  or  special 
invitations  issued  by  the  county  committee.22  It  is  not 
surprising  to  find  occasional  complaint  that  its  nomina- 
tions were  controlled  by  a  few.23  The  offer  of  the  Suf- 
folk nomination  to  John  Quincy  Adams  by  the  party 
committee  has  a  decidedly  modern  sound.24  The  mass 
meeting  was  gradually  replaced  by  the  convention,  and 
although  both  methods  were  in  use  until  1810  the  usual 
reports  of  Republican  nominating  assemblies  state  that 
they  were  composed  of  "  delegates. ' m  The  county  mass 

20  The  E.  Argus,  April  5,  1805,  states  that  the  Federalists  were  trying 
to  discredit  the  Eepublican  senatorial  ticket  in  York  County  by  circulating 
handbills  charging  its  nomination  by  the  Boston  caucus. 

21  Mass.  Spy,  October  3,  1804. 

22  Nat '1  Aegis,  December  12,  1804.    March  26,  1806.     The  invitation  to 
a  Bristol  congressional  district  convention  is  addressed  "to  all  who  feel 
a  patriotic  interest  in  the  success  of  Kepublican  principles. ' '     Ind.  Chron- 
icle, September  27,  1810. 

23  See  Republican  Farmer  in  Nat  '1  Aegis,  October  8,  1806,  reference  to 
Worcester  County  caucus.     "The  proceedings  confirmed  me  in  my  former 
opinion  that  such  measures  are  inconsistent  with  an  unbiassed  freedom  of 
election."     The  business  he  says  was  decided  by  "a  certain  junto  in  the 
town  of  Worcester,  who  think  they  have  the  right  because  they  live  in  the 
shire  town  to  give  laws  to  the  whole  county. ' ' 

24  J.  Q.  ADAMS,  Memoirs,  I,  539. 

25  Boston  Patriot,  September  5,  1812,  advertises  call  for  York  County 
Eepublican  convention  ' '  by  delegates  from  the  several  towns  chosen  by  legal 
town  meeting  or  otherwise  appointed."     Ind.  Chronicle,  August  18,  1812. 
Notice  to  Norfolk  Republicans,  "Choose  delegates  according  to  number  of 
representatives    in    General    Court."      See    also    October    26.      E.    Argus, 
September  29,  1814,  calls  for  delegations  to  Lincoln .  congressional  district 
convention  ' '  equal  to  twice  the  number  of  state  representatives. ' '     See  also 
Nat'l  Aegis,  October  19,  November  8,  1808,  February  8,  15,  1809. 


PARTY  METHODS  61 

meeting  was  an  important  method  of  influencing  public 
opinion  and  flourished  in  all  the  states  in  such  periods 
of  public  excitement  as  occurred  during  the  embargo 
or  in  the  weeks  following  the  outbreak  of  the  war  with 
England.26 

The  rise  of  party  affected  town  government  as  well 
as  the  larger  units  and  indicates  a  considerable  change 
in  one  of  New  England's  fundamental  institutions.  In 
1798  a  writer  from  Norfolk  County,  Mass.,  complains 
that  "the  country  people  this  way,  in  general,  never 
prepare  their  minds  previous  to  a  town  meeting "  and 
were  therefore  under  the  influence  of  "their  most  influ- 
ential and  learned  men,"  particularly  the  moderator — 
"the  yeomanry  ought  to  prepare  their  minds  and  facul- 
ties and  not  place  too  much  confidence  in  their  head 
man."27  Three  years  later,  Noah  Webster,  defending 
the  notorious  Stand-up  Law  before  the  Connecticut 
legislature,  and  opposing  vote  by  ballot  because  "it  will 
open  a  door  to  electioneering,"  declares,  "Our  freemen 
are  honest  men,  and  have  not  been  accustomed  to  bring 
votes  to  proxing;  they  do  not  know  generally  when  they 
go  whom  they  shall  vote  for."28  Conditions  change 
greatly  when  the  party  system  develops  and  party 
circulars  all  emphasize  the  importance  of  drawing 
party  lines  in  town  meetings.29  Town  caucuses  become 
very  common  after  1800,  nominating  candidates  and  in 
the  larger  towns  at  least  appointing  committees  to  dis- 
tribute votes  and  urge  the  claims  of  their  candidates.30 

« 

2«Spooner's  Vt.  Journal,  August  1,  1808,  reports  500  in  attendance  at 
Chittenden  meeting.  Vt.  Kepublican,  April  10,  1809,  reports  900  at  a 
Bennington  meeting. 

27  N.  H.  Gazette,  November  14,  1798. 

28  Conn.  Journal,  November  11,  1802. 

29  New  England  Palladium,  May  10,  1803  (Conn,  circular).    Ibid.,  March 
29.    Mass.  Spy,  December  12,  1804.    Spooner's  Vt.  Journal,  August  14,  1809. 

so  Salem  Kegister,  March  12,  April  2,  1804,  May  16,  1805.     BENTLEY, 


62  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

To  keep  this  system  of  state  and  local  caucuses  work- 
ing smoothly  and  to  insure  proper  support  from  the 
voters  necessitated  a  permanent  organization  of  party 
workers  and  this  appears  between  1800  and  1805.  In 
the  Jefferson  correspondence  there  is  an  interesting 
letter  addressed  to  Attorney-General  Lincoln  and  signed 
by  twenty-four  "  deserving  Democrats "  of  Connecti- 
cut, urging  the  removal  of  Federalist  officeholders  in 
that  state  and  giving,  incidentally,  an  outline  of  what 
was  probably  the  first  formal  party  organization  in 
New  England.  "The  season  has  now  arrived  when  it  is 
necessary  for  us  to  organize  and  adopt  measures  for 
conveying  to  our  People  just  sentiments  respecting  the 
motives,  measures,  and  objects  of  the  present  adminis- 
tration and  to  obviate  the  false  impressions  which  the 
federalists  and  federal  papers  have  made  and  are  mak- 
ing upon  their  minds.  This  organization  which  will 
consist  of  a  General  Committee,  of  County  Committees, 
and  of  Sub-committees  in  the  towns  of  the  State,  must 
be  conducted  with  great  fortitude  and  perseverance, 
through  much  labor  and  expence  to  an  end  difficult  to 
be  attained  but  highly  important  to  a  republican  admin- 
istration.'"1 A  similar  scheme  of  organization  was 
adopted  in  New  Hampshire  at  a  legislative  caucus  held 
in  December,  1803,  consisting  of  "a  Grand  Committee 
of  Election  and  Correspondence "  and  the  usual  subor- 
dinate bodies.82  "Are  we  not  fallen  on  evil  times!  Did 

Diary,  III,  222.  E.  Argus,  April  6,  1804.  Pol.  Observatory,  July  28, 
1804.  N.  E.  Palladium,  March  29,  1803.  "It  is  certain  that  the  Democrats 
in  some  of  our  country  towns  held  caucusses  and  distributed  their  votes 
previous  to  election.'' 

si  Jefferson  Papers,  2d  Series,  LII,  No.  6.  Dated  Hartford,  June  4, 
1801.  Among  the  signatures  are  those  of  Kirby,  Potter,  Edwards,  and 
other  Eepublican  leaders. 

32  Col.  Centinel,  February  29,  1804.     Ind.  Chronicle,  February  23,  li 
See  also  LUETSCHER,  Early  Political  Machinery,  122. 


PARTY  METHODS  63 

you  believe  fifteen  years  ago  that  a  thing  of  this  kind 
could  happen  in  New  England?"  wrote  Jeremiah  Smith 
to  Plumer.83  The  latter,  however,  himself  organized 
the  Federalists  along  similar  lines  within  a  few  months. 
"Democracy  at  this  period,"  says  one  writer  describing 
the  activities  of  the  Massachusetts  organization,  "is  as 
awful  in  consequences  as  it  is  novel  and  insinuating  in 
operations.  .  .  .  The  leaders  although  in  some  respects 
visionary,  are  practical  men  in  their  indefatigable 
industry  to  obtain  proselytes."  The  same  means  used 
with  success  in  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia 
are  now  introduced  into  New  England.  The  names  of 
those  to  be  relied  on  are  recorded,  the  most  influential 
individuals  are  put  on  committees,  the  whole  constitut- 
ing "an  ascending  series  from  country  tavern  junto  up 
to  the  great  caucus  of  caucusses  in  Virginia.  What 
must  be  the  desperate  intentions  of  those,  who  have,  as 
it  were,  thus  systematized  disorganization,  and  arrayed 
the  foibles,  the  passions,  shall  I  add,  the  vices  of  man 
in  a  warfare  and  conspiracy  against  all  that  is  reputable 
and  praiseworthy  in  society?"34 

Ext j:eme  „ J2£ntr-alizatie»  marked  all  the  Republican 
organizations.  The  general  committee  appointed  the 
county  committees  and  they  the  town  committees,  and 
the  subordinate  units  were  strictly  accountable  to  their 
superiors.35  This  centralization  of  authority  probably 

aa  Plumer  MSS.,  IV,  101.  Smith  to  Plumer,  February  22,  1804.  This 
also  gives  a  summary  of  the  Republican  organization. 

[34  N.  E.  Palladium,  May  10,  1803. 
38  N.  E.  Palladium.  See  ' '  Instructions ' '  issued  by  Kepubliean  general 
committee  of  Connecticut  for  the  elections  of  1801  and  1802,  in  which  an 
elaborate  system  of  inspection  and  report  is  outlined.  See  also  for  infor- 
mation on  Massachusetts  organization,  Mass.  Spy,  May  15,  June  12,  1805, 
March  26,  1806.  An  outline  of  the  Vermont  organization  is  given  in 
Spooner's  Vt.  Journal,  August  7,  1809,  including  a  " Grand  Inspector*' 
for  the  counties  on  either  side  of  the  Green  Mountains.  In  Plumer  MSS., 


64  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

reached  its  height  in  Connecticut  when,  on  the  ground 
that  " formerly  responsibility  was  too  much  divided," 
the  system  was  reorganized  in  1805.  A  "  state  man- 
ager "  was  appointed  by  the  general  caucus  with  power 
to  appoint  and  remove  the  "county  managers, "  who  in 
turn  were  directed  to  appoint  in  each  town  "an  active, 
influential,  republican  manager,  who  will  assure  you 
verbally  or  in  writing  that  he  will  faithfully  discharge 
his  trust."36  Under  such  a  system  truth  is  evident  in 
the  Federalist  comment  that  the  entire  system  of  nomi- 
nation would  be  vested  in  the  managers  and,  "What  is 
it  but  taking  the  affairs  of  the  government  entirely 
from  the  many,  and  placing  them  in  the  hands  of  the 
few?"37  The  Federalist  organization,  however,  followed 
in  general  the  same  centralized  plan.38 

The  operations  of  these  organizations  are  revealed 
in  the  circulars  frequently  sent  by  the  general  com- 
mittees to  their  subordinates.  "Getting  out  the  vote" 
was,  of  course,  their  most  important  function  and  the 
importance  of  getting  men  to  freeman's  meeting  and 
detaining  them  there  "until  the  whole  business  shall 
have  been  finished"  is  constantly  urged.  Voters  were 

III,  103,  there  is  a  letter  from  the  chairman  of  New  Hampshire  organiza- 
tion announcing  Plumer's  appointment  to  the  chairmanship  of  a  county 
committee  with  power  "to  name  a  place  of  rendezvous  and  summon  the 
members  of  your  committee  to  meet  for  the  purpose  of  adopting  such 
plans  as  the  exigency  of  the  case  may  require."  Plumer  was  now  in  the 
Republican  party. 

s«  Conn.  Courant,  November  27,  1805. 

37  Hid. 

38  See  description  of  the  Massachusetts  Federalist  organization  by  S.  E. 
MORISON,   Life   of   Harrison   Gray   Otis,   I,   290.     For   contemporary   com- 
ments, E.  Argus,  March  21,  1806;  Nat'l  Aegis,  November  19,  1806,  March 
21,  1810;  Salem  Register,  March  28  and  February  28,  1805;  Pol.  Observa- 
tory, August  18,  1804.     The  Federalists  of  Cheshire  County,  N.  H.,  are 
described,   N.    H.    Gazette,    September   11,    1804,   as   employing   "immense 
pecuniary  contributions,   systematic   caucusing,   and   incredible   exertions." 


PAETY  METHODS  65 

to  be  listed  "  assured  Republicans, "  Federalists,  and 
doubtful.  The  importance  of  winning  the  young  men  is 
recognized.  The  circulation  of  Eepublican  newspapers 
and  pamphlets  was  to  be  a  regular  part  of  this  propa- 
ganda.39 The  duties  of  the  committeemen  are  perhaps 
nowhere  better  summarized  than  in  the  diary  of  Nathan- 
iel Ames  at  the  time  of  his  appointment  to  the  Norfolk 
County  committee.40 

Another  function  of  party  organization,  the  creation 
of  enthusiasm,  was  not  neglected.  Political  gatherings 
and  celebrations  flourished  all  through  this  period.  The 
Fourth  of  March,  the  anniversary  of  Jefferson's  inau- 
guration, was  celebrated  with  great  enthusiasm — not 
lessened  by  the  fact  that  it  moved  their  opponents  to 
outbursts  of  impotent  rage.  To  the  Federalists  condi- 
tions in  New  England  were  beginning  to  resemble  those 

39  See  Connecticut  circulars  of  1801,  1802;   N.  E.  Palladium,  May  10, 
1803;    Mass.    Spy,    October   3,    1804.      The   Vermont    organization    directs 
papers  and  pamphlets  to  be  sent  to  the  town  committees  for  distribution, 
and  to  draw  up  a  special  list  of  young  men  about  to  qualify  as  voters. 
Spooner's  Vt.  Journal,  August  7,  1809.     The  Connecticut  circular  of  1805 
contains  similar  directions.     Conn.  Courant,  November  27,  1805. 

40  August  29,  1808.     "At  a  Convention  of  Eeps.  from  all  the  towns  in 
the  county  of  Norfolk — Cohasset  excepted   [names  given]   were  appointed 
a  County  Committee  to  communicate  with  the  Central  Committee  of  the 
State   [names],  and  town  or  subcommittees  to  watch  over  the  Republican 
interest  both  in  state  and  national  governments  especially  as  to  elections 
and  appointments — convey  intelligence — confute  false  rumors — confirm  the 
wavering    in    right    principles — prevent    delusion    of    weak    brethren — and 
fight  that  most  formidable  enemy  of  civilized  men,  political  ignorance;   a 
task  mighty,  endless  and  insuperable  without  funds  to  excite  support  and 
disseminate  the  fruits  of  patriotic  genius — and  with  the  most  ample  funds 
will  prove  a  Herculean  labor,  enough  to  stagger  common  undertakers  to 
combat  the  pulpit,  the  bar,   and  host  of  superstitious  vanity,  pride,   and 
selfish   wretches   under   foreign   influence  that   never  had   a   conception   of 
searching  out  principles  or  seeking  the  truth,  and  will  neither  read,  see  nor 
hear  anything  contrary  to  their  own  narrow  prejudices,  wholly  actuated  by 
the  impulse  of  the  moment. " 


66  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

i 

In  Pennsylvania,  where  M'Kean 
Extends  his  mild  and  gentle  reign, 
Where  birds  of  every  sort  and  feather 
Flock,  and  at  times  get  drunk  together.41 

The  proceedings  of  these  celebrations  show  little 
variety.  The  New  Haven  celebration  of  1803  is  typical 
and  included  the  firing  of  salutes,  a  procession,  an  ora- 
tion by  Pierpont  Edwards,  music,  a  public  dinner  and 
a  ball  in  the  evening.42  The  most  striking  feature  of 
such  gatherings  was  the  public  dinner,  with  its  inter- 
minable toast  list,  expressing  party  sentiment  on  men 
and  measures.  So  numerous  were  the  toasts  on  such 
occasions  that  the  modern  reader  is  inclined  to  accept 
as  truth  the  Federalist  description  of  such  an  affair, 

They  made  a  most  tremendous  stir 
Curs'd,  swore  and  quaff 'd  till  half  seas  o'er. 
Their  skins  replete  could  hold  no  more — 
Then  from  their  tavern  out  they  sallied 
And  under  air  their  forces  rallied.43 

Such  gatherings,  coming  as  they  did  shortly  before  the 
spring  elections,  gave  an  admirable  opportunity  for 
active  electioneering  of  which  the  leaders  took  full 
advantage.44  Indeed,  at  the  Kennebunk  celebration  in 

41  N.  E.  Palladium,  February  13,  1801. 

42  Conn.  Journal,  February  24,  1803,  gives  announcement.     Soon  after 
the  celebration,  a  poem  in  the  Conn.  Courant  thus  described  the  procession: 

And  now  across  the  Green 
A  motley  throng  there  pours, 
Drunkards  and  whores, 
And  rogues  in  scores; 
They  all  rejoice. 

43  N.  E.  Palladium,  March  20,  1801. 

4*  This  circular  invitation  to  the  New  Haven  celebration  states,  ' '  We 
shall  meet  not  only  to  rejoice,  but  we  shall  meet  to  unite  in  measures  which 
shall  yield  further  occasions  of  joy  at  the  next  anniversary. "  See  also 
Mass.  Spy,  March  30,  1803,  for  comment  on  recent  celebrations  in  Massa- 
chusetts. 


PARTY  METHODS  67 

1804,  in  addition  to  the  festivities  of  the  occasion  a  sena- 
torial ticket  was  nominated  and  a  county  organization 
effected.45  The  other  great  occasion  for  party  celebra- 
tion was  the  Fourth  of  July  and,  until  the  Era  of  Good 
Feeling,  the  two  parties  almost  invariably  held  sepa- 
rate gatherings  on  this  occasion,46  listened  to  their  own 
music  and  oratory,  and  consumed  their  own  "true 
natural  juice  of  the  lemon,  well  tempered  and  mollified 
with  good  W.  I.  rum  and  loaf  sugar.  "47  In  1804  the 
acquisition  of  Louisiana  was  generally  celebrated  among 
the  Republicans,  an  act  which  was  particularly  galling 
to  their  opponents.48  Political  clubs  and  societies  were 
in  disrepute  and  people  remembered  the  storm  of  dis- 
approval excited  by  the  Democratic  societies  of  1794. 
After  1810  a  number  of  social  and  political  clubs  ap- 
peared, but,  with  the  exception  of  the  Tammany  societies 
of  Rhode  Island,  were  of  slight  importance.49 

The  work  of  educating  the  voter  depended  largely  on 
the  press,  and  the  distribution  of  newspapers  and  pam- 
phlets was  part  of  the  duty  of  every  party  worker.  There 
was  undoubtedly  considerable  activity  among  Republi- 
cans prior  to  the  election  of  Jefferson.  In  1798  Matthew 
Lyon  was  reported  to  be  sending  large  numbers 
of  Bache's  newspaper  and  Gallatin's  speeches  into 
Connecticut.50  In  1800  bundles  of  Virginia  papers  were 
reported  to  have  been  sent  to  various  residents  of  the 
state  with  a  request  to  distribute  them  and  "dissemi- 

«  E.  Argus,  March  9,  1804. 

46  Interesting  comment  on  this  custom  appears  in  Spooner  fa  Vt.  Journal, 
August  1,  1808. 

47  Pol.  Observatory,  July  14,  1804. 

48  See  "The  Chronicles  of  King  Thomas. M     Conn.  Courant,  May  16, 
1804. 

49  "The  Tammany  Societies  of  Ehode  Island"  is  the  title  of  an  interest- 
ing monograph  by  M.  W.  Jernegan,  Providence,  1897. 

so  Conn.  Courant,  April  23. 


68  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

nate  the  principles  therein  inculcated/"1  "A  dozen 
papers  call'd  the  Friend  of  the  People  sent  me,"  writes 
Nathaniel  Ames,  "to  go  N.  &  E.  I  have  dispersed  also 
one  of  my  own."52 

The  power  of  the  press  was  everywhere  recognized. 
Fisher  Ames  declared  the  newspapers  were  "a  match 
for  any  government,"  and  it  was  a  recognition  of  this 
fact  which  tempted  the  Federalists  into  the  folly  of  the 
Sedition  Law.  In  1802  Granger  comments  in  a  letter  to 
Jefferson  on  the  scarcity  of  Republican  newspapers 
observed  in  his  journey  north  and  that  it  could  not 
please  "one  who  believes  that  public  opinion  will  in  a 
great  measure  be  governed  by  that  Vehicle  of  Intelli- 
gence,"53 and  Elbridge  Gerry  in  a  letter  of  earlier  date, 
discussing  the  danger  of  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
remarks  that  "the  multiplying  of  republican  papers  is 
a  measure  of  the  utmost  importance."54  There  was 
great  activity  in  this  line  at  the  opening  of  the  Jeffer- 
sonian  era.55  In  1800  the  Pittsfield  Sun  and  Salem 

8i  Ibid.,  March  31,  April  2,  1800. 

52  Diary,  February  15,  1800. 

»3  Jefferson  Papers,  2d  Series,  XXXVI,  No.  49.  Granger  to  Jefferson, 
September  5,  1802. 

s^/fcid.,  XXXV,  No.  120.  Gerry  to  Jefferson,  May  4,  1801.  Similar 
sentiments  are  expressed  in  a  letter  of  August  15,  1812,  2d  Series,  XXX- 
VIII,  No.  5. 

55  In  the  New  Year  address  of  1801  in  the  Conn.  Courant  occur  the 
following  lines: 

And  lo!  in  meretricious  dress, 
Forth  comes  a  strumpet  called  ' '  The  Press, ' ' 
Whose  haggard,  unrequested  charms 
Eush  into  every  blackguard's  arms. 
Ye  weak,  deluded  minds,  beware! 
Nought  but  the  outside  here  is  fair! 
Then  spurn  the  offers  of  her  sway 
And  kick  the  loathsome  hag  away. 

The  Col.  Centinel,  March  15,  1800,  reports  that  Eepublican  papers  were 
being  established  "from  Portsmouth  to  Savannah." 


PARTY  METHODS  69 

Register  were  established;  in  the  following  year  the 
National  Aegis  began  issue  at  Worcester  "from  the 
most  solemn  conviction  of  the  importance  of  an  attempt 
to  check  the  current  of  slander  which  then  issued  from 
the  only  fountain  of  intelligence  within  the  county"; 
in  1802  the  Providence  Phoenix  became  the  chief  party 
organ  in  Ehode  Island.  In  1803  the  Eastern  Argus  was 
established  in  Maine  and  in  the  same  year  the  Political 
Observatory  began  the  apparently  hopeless  task  of 
changing  the  Federalist  sentiment  of  the  river  counties 
in  New  Hampshire.  A  year  earlier  the  New  Hampshire 
Gazette  had  passed  under  the  control  of  Republicans 
and  became  the  principal  party  organ.  By  1804  there 
were  reported  to  be  three  Republican  presses  in  Con- 
necticut "throwing  additional  light  into  that  benighted 
corner  of  the  earth. '  'M  The  general  defeat  of  the  Repub- 
licans on  the  embargo  issue  in  1808  was  followed  in  1809 
by  the  establishment  of  a  new  group  of  Republican 
papers,  chief  of  which  were  the  Boston  Patriot,  the 
Vermont  Republican,  and  the  New  Hampshire  Patriot. 
In  spite  of  these  efforts  the  Federalists  had  a  great 
advantage  in  newspapers  and  in  1810  there  were  but 
twenty-three  Republican  as  compared  with  sixty-six 
Federalist  papers.57  The  political  ferment  of  the  time 
is  readily  seen  in  the  continual  attempts  to  found  news- 
papers.58 

Federalist  comment  best  shows  the  success  of  this 
part  of  the  Republican  propaganda.  In  1801  one  writer 
declares  that  "along  with  infidel  philosophy  and  the 
refusal  to  enforce  laws  relating  to  religion  and  man- 

56  Pol.  Observatory,  June  23. 

57  U.  S.  Census,  1880,  VIII,  38,  39.     Keprinted  from  ISAIAH  THOMAS, 
History  of   Printing.     An   interesting  comparison   is   also   given  in  Nat'l 
Aegis,  January  17,  1816. 

58BENTLEY,  Diary,  III,  54.  "The  increase  of  Gazettes  is  excessive. 
I  have  several  times  attempted  to  count  the  whole  number,  but  they 


70  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCEACY 

ners"  one  of  the  most  powerful  causes  of  "the  rapid 
decay  of  our  government  is  a  licentious  and  prostituted 
press.  .  .  .  The  effect  it  has  already  produced  exceeds 
calculation,  and  is  next  to  miraculous."59  And  another 
writer  eight  years  later:  "The  expenses  which  are  in- 
curred and  the  labor  that  is  exerted  to  circulate  among 
the  people  in  the  Eastern  States,  the  Democratic  papers, 
particularly  those  which  are  issued  from  the  new  presses 
of  the  Boston  Patriot,  the  New  Hampshire  Patriot,  the 
Anti-Monarchist,  and  the  Vermont  Eepublican,  are  such 
as  those  have  no  conception  of  who  have  not  had  oppor- 
tunities of  acquiring  particular  information  upon  the 
subject.  The  business  is  as  much  reduced  to  a  system 
as  ever  were  the  operations  of  the  Jacobins  in  France. 
Those  who  can  pay  as  well  as  not,  are  expected  to  pay; 
but  all  who  are  disposed  to  read  are  made  to  read 
whether  they  pay  or  not.  The  Federalists  must  look  to 
this,  or  their  day  is  over.  .  .  . '  '60 

appear  and  disappear  and  change  places  so  often  that  the  exact  number  I 
cannot  ascertain." 

Journalistic  amenities  of  the  day  are  illustrated  by  the  following  "  Ele- 
giac Lines "  in  the  Eastern  Argus,  December  14,  1804,  recording  the  failure 
of  a  Federalist  contemporary.  ' '  Obituary  No.  IV. ' ' 

But  two  years  old  the  creature  was, 

A  dark  complexioned  slut 
Filthy  and  lying  all  about; 

But  now  her  mouth  is  shut. 

5»  N.  E.  Palladium,  June  9,  1801.    See  also  August  7. 

eo  Mass.  Spy,  October  4,  1809.  Essay  XV.  For  further  comments  on 
the  circulation  of  newspapers  and  other  literature  see  Mass.  Spy,  December 
12,  1804,  February  13,  1805;  N.  E.  Palladium,  May  10,  October  11,  1803 
(reference  to  Connecticut);  Spooner's  Vt.  Journal,  August  7,  14,  1809; 
E.  Argus,  March  21,  1806. 

Timothy  Dwight  put  newspaper  reading  among  the  vices  of  men  in 
the  new  settlements.  Travels,  IV,  12.  l '  To  be  pert ;  to  gamble ;  to  haunt 
taverns;  to  drink;  to  swear;  to  read  newspapers;  to  talk  on  political 
subjects;  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  nation  and  neglect  their  own," 
etc.  The  Nat'l  Aegis,  May  2,  1804,  puts  the  following  into  the  mouth  of 
a  Federalist  clergyman:  ''Many  of  you  in  spite  of  all  the  advice  and 


PARTY  METHODS  71 

In  spite  of  the  bitterness  of  politics  in  this  era  there 
is  little  evidence  of  disorder  or  corruption  in  elections.61 
The  amount  of  attention  which  the  press  occasionally 
gives  to  trivial  incidents  at  town  meeting,  a  scuffle 
between  heated  partisans,  the  hanging  of  an  effigy,  or 
jeering  at  the  moderator,  would  seem  to  show  a  law- 
abiding  spirit  hardly  in  harmony  with  the  savage  tone 
of  political  oratory  and  literature.  Two  complaints, 
however,  are  general,  one  made  by  both  parties  and 
the  other  by  the  Eepublicans  exclusively.  Suffrage 
qualifications  existed  in  the  three  southern  New  England 
states,  the  local  authorities  of  the  towns  determining 
admissions.62  The  strictness  of  their  enforcement, 

friendly  warnings  of  your  religious  and  political  fathers,  have  taken  and 
continue  to  take,  and  read  Jacobin  papers,  full  of  all  manner  of  mischief 
and  suibtility  of  the  Devil.  You  think  that  these  will  open  your  eyes  and 
make  you  as  Gods,  knowing  good  and  evil.  .  .  .  Modern  philosophy  full 
of  flattery,  invites  you  to  reason  for  yourselves — But  the  antient  bids  you 
put  your  trust  in  no  such  vain  delusions,  but  submit  yourselves  to  those 
who  are  over  you  in  the  Lord." 

61  Dr.   Ames   gives   the   following  picture   of   an   election    day   in   Ded- 
ham.      Diary,   April    7,    1806.     "Every   exertion   made   by   the   Feds,   to 
obtain  Voters  every  bribe  of  treating,  carriages  and  arts  of  delusion  prac- 
tised.    Egg  rum   was   admin 'd.   at  F.   Ames   office  his  men   and  waggon 
loaded  with  lumber  of  unprincipled  wretches  who  would  sell  their  lord  for 
30  glasses  of  Egg  rum. M 

See  description  of  election  day  in  Boston,  N.  E.  Palladium,  February  10, 
1801. 

62  Mass.  Constitution  of  1780,  Ch.  I,  Sec.  II,  Art.  II.     Qualification  for 
electors  of  senators,  any  male  inhabitant  having  a  freehold  estate  within 
the  Commonwealth  of   the  annual   income  value  of  three  pounds,  or  any 
estate  of  the  value  of  sixty  pounds.     The  above  property  was  required  to 
qualify  electors  of  representatives  with  the  added  condition  that  it  must 
lie  within  the  town  and  the  owner  must  have  resided  there  one  year.     (Ch. 
I,  Sec.  Ill,  Art.  IV.) 

Under  the  law  of  1802,  Chap.  116,  Sec.  I  (General  Laws  of  Massachusetts, 
Boston,  1823,  12),  the  list  of  voters  was  to  be  made  out  by  the  assessors 
and  revised  and  corrected  by  the  selectmen. 

The  Connecticut  requirements  are  given,  Acts  and  Laws  of  Conn., 
Hartford,  1805,  217,  as  a  freehold  estate  of  $7  per  annum  or  $134  per- 
sonal in  the  general  list  along  with  a  "quiet  and  peaceable  Behavior  and 


72  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

however,  being  a  matter  of  some  doubt,  the  natural 
result  was  very  frequently  a  contest  by  one  party  to 
swell  its  own  ranks  by  indiscriminate  admissions  and 
keep  additions  from  those  of  its  opponent.  In  1802  a  Fed- 
eralist complaint  runs :  ' '  The  wretched  sons  of  vice  and 
ignorance  have  nothing  to  do  with  our  affairs,  and  are 
very  properly  destitute  of  all  political  power.  Such  is  our 
theory — our  practice  is  too  much  letting  the  Jacobins 
introduce  illegal  voters.  .  .  .  The  qualification  scarcely 
excludes  any  and  the  Jacobins  when  they  interpret  this 
admit  all."68  The  Republicans  make  similar  charges 
and  interesting  comment  on  the  ability  of  the  Federal- 
ists to  get  out  voters  who  "produce  $200  on  the  day 
of  election"  records  that  every  county  and  town  was 
divided  into  districts  and  "subjected  to  the  scrutiny  of 
numerous  and  industrious  committees.  Not  a  single 
person  is  left  unnoticed,  not  a  single  hamlet  unexplored. 
If  they  are  sick  they  are  conveyed  to  the  meeting  house 
almost  upon  their  beds.  .  .  .  Property,  loaned  expressly 
for  the  occasion,  is  put  in  the  hands  of  indigent 
brothers."84  Federalist  papers  tell  with  great  glee  the 
story  of  the  Connecticut  Republican  who  for  a  similar 
purpose  deeded  property  to  "a  worthless  fellow"  only 
to  see  it  at  once  attached  by  the  latter 's  creditors.65 
"Persons  steeped  in  poverty  were  ennobled  by  federal 

Civil  Conversation."  Under  the  law  of  1801,  p.  549,  the  "Civil  Authority 
and  Selectmen  of  each  Town"  were  required  to  hold  special  meetings  and 
"receive  and  carefully  examine  all  applications  for  admission"  which  was 
granted  by  majority  vote. 

For  Ehode  Island  requirements  see  Public  Laws  of  K.  I.,  Providence, 
1798,  114. 

63  N.  E.  Palladium,  January  29,  1802.  Similar  charge  against  Salem, 
Marblehead,  and  Gloucester,  November  12. 

e*  Boston  Patriot,  March  29,  1815.     Quoted  from  Nat'l  Aegis. 

es  N.  H.  Gazette,  September  29,  1800.  For  further  reference  on  these 
practices  see  Mass.  Spy,  December  12,  1804;  N.  E.  Palladium,  May  6,  1803 
(quoted  from  Newport  Mercury). 


PARTY  METHODS  73 

act  and  management,  not  charity,  to  claim  property  on 
the  occasion  sufficient  to  qualify  for  voting, ' '  writes  Levi 
Lincoln  to  Jefferson.66 

The  second  complaint  is  of  some  interest  as  throw- 
ing light  on  the  membership  of  the  parties — the  constant 
charge  of  intimidation  brought  by  Republicans.  In  the 
letter  already  quoted  Lincoln  •  brings  the  charge  of 
"intolerance  and  oppressive  violence  in  electioneering. 
Individuals  have  been  threatened  with  a  deprivation  of 
employment  and  an  instant  exaction  of  debt  to  the  last 
farthing  as  the  consequence  of  withholding  a  federal 
vote,  or  rather  of  not  giving  one."  "The  Republicans 
do  not  appoint  spies  to  watch  with  eagle  eye  over  the 
conduct  of  poor  tenants  and  debtors  at  elections,  that 
if  they  vote  for  the  opposite  party  they  may  be  sued," 
states  the  National  Aegis  in  1807.67  "It  is  a  fact  that 
many  mechanics  are  in  a  state  of  bondage  in  regard  to 
electioneering  suffrages,"68  runs  a  New  Hampshire 
complaint,  and  a  few  years  later,  "a  systematic  policy 
has  for  a  long  time  guided  them.  No  trader  or  mechanic 
friendly  to  government  receives  their  custom  or  employ- 
ment."69 In  1810  the  charge  is  made  that  throughout 
Massachusetts  the  Federalists  used  "blue  votes"  in 
order  to  recognize  those  who  voted  for  Gerry.70  Four 
years  earlier  the  same  practice  had  been  introduced  by  the 
Federalists  in  one  of  the  towns  of  Hampshire  County.71 

What  was  the  success  of  Republican  electioneering 
methods?  The  mere  existence  of  a  comprehensive 

«6  Jefferson  Papers,  XLI,  2d  Series,  No.  52,  June  2,  1805. 

67  March  25. 

es  Pol.  Observatory,  November  10,  1804. 

69  N.  H.  Gazette,  April  21,  1812. 

TO  Nat  Jl  Aegis,  April  4. 

7i  Ibid.,  April  16,  1806.  For  further  comment  on  intimidation  and 
undue  influence,  see  Pol.  Observatory,  September  21,  1805;  N.  H.  Gazette, 
September  27,  1808;  Nat'l  Aegis,  April  11,  1810;  E.  Argus,  November  23, 
30,  1804,  June  7,  1805;  BENTLEY,  Diary,  IV,  14,  90,  92. 


74  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

scheme  of  organization  does  not  necessarily  mean  that 
the  machine  was  constantly  in  smooth  running  order, 
but  a  certain  degree  of  efficiency  is  undoubted.72  As  a 
practical  result,  only  Connecticut  remained  Federalist 
in  1807.  The  severest  test  of  Republican  strength  came 
in  the  following  eight  years  and  then,  it  is  true,  the 
Federalists  retained  control  of  the  three  southern  states 
of  New  England  and  divided  honors  equally  with  their 
opponents  in  Vermont  and  New  Hampshire.  But  there 
were  other  results  besides  those  expressed  by  political 
control.  The  Republican  propaganda  had  remarkable 
success  in  the  first  years  of  the  century.  The  effect  was 
the  same  all  through  New  England,  an  immense  increase 
in  the  total  amount  of  voting,  and  from  this  increase 
the  Republican  party  received  the  chief  advantage.  In 
Connecticut,  as  has  been  seen,  the  total  voting  previous 
to  1800  was  very  light.  Between  1801  and  1806  the 
vote  for  governor  rose  from  13,413  to  22,873 — a  gain 
of  approximately  70  per  cent.  But  the  Republican  vote 
gained  792  per  cent  as  compared  with  the  Federalist  20 
per  cent.  In  Vermont  the  case  is  similar — gain  in  total 
vote  from  10,063  to  18,682  between  the  years  1800  and 
1807,  or  85  (85.6)  per  cent.  The  Republican  vote  gained 
205.4  per  cent,  the  Federalist,  33  per  cent.  In  New 
Hampshire  the  gain  in  the  total  vote  is  practically  the 
same  as  in  Connecticut,  about  70  (69.3)  per  cent,  the 
total  vote  in  1800  being  16,762,  in  1805,  28,384.  The 
Republican  gain  is  166.5  per  cent,  the  Federalist  18.5 
per  cent.  Massachusetts  shows  a  remarkable  gain  in  the 
total  vote,  although  there  is  less  disparity  in  the  party 
gains.  The  total  rises  from  39,059  in  1800  to  81,503  in 

72  The  Nat'l  Aegis,  January  24,  1816,  at  the  time  of  reorganization  of 
the  party,  contains  an  interesting  criticism  of  Republican  methods  and 
charges  the  Boston  central  committee  "to  whom  we  confided  this  important 
trust "  with  serious  dereliction  of  duty. 


PARTY  METHODS  75 

1807,  approximately  106  per  cent.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered, however,  that  the  District  of  Maine  with  its  grow- 
ing population  is  included  in  the  state.  The  Federalist 
gain  is  76.8  per  cent,  the  Republican,  146.5  per  cent. 

This  would  show  that  the  Republican  party  was  the 
popular  one,  that  the  voters  who  had  stayed  away  from 
the  polls  in  previous  years  were  apt  to  vote  the  Republi- 
can ticket  when  they  came  out,  and  that,  of  the  new 
voters,  the  majority  probably  looked  on  the  Federalist 
as  a  decadent  party  and  joined  the  Republican.  In 
regard  to  this  latter  point  the  Independent  Chronicle 
stated  in  1807:  "  It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  the  rising 
generation  is  almost  wholly  Republican  .  .  .  and  con- 
tinues so  until  interfering  interests  corrupt  their  prin- 
ciples.'"3 "To  those  who  pay  attention  to  the  political 
state  of  this  country,"  writes  a  Federalist,  "it  has  been 
a  matter  of  astonishment  and  inquiry,  'Why  so  many 
young  men  should  have  been  led  to  imbibe  the  dangerous 
and  destructive  principles  of  Democracy  V  The 
writer  explains  the  phenomenon  as  due  to  the  growing 
irreligion  and  lawlessness  among  youths  who  believed 
that  their  evil  propensities  could  be  more  easily  grati- 
fied under  Democratic  rule.74  "It  is  a  consoling  reflec- 
tion that  nine-tenths  of  our  young  men,  farmers  and 
mechanics  who  annually  become  voters  are  Republi- 
cans, "  says  the  New  Hampshire  Patriot  in  1811.75 

73  March  30.  "Reasons  why  Mr.  Sullivan  will  have  several  thousand 
more  votes  than  last  year." 

Ibid.,  November  15,  1804.  "Any  young  man,  of  tolerable  understand- 
ing, who  has  arrived  at  the  years  of  action  and  discretion  within  the  last 
ten  years  past,  must  of  necessity  be  a  Democrat.  No  charge  of  oppugna- 
tion  to  the  Constitution  can  be  attached  to  him;  and  however  disagreeable 
to  a  person  of  tender  understanding  to  be  stigmatized  by  Scoundrels  as  a 
Jacobin;  it  is  the  part  of  humanity  to  range  itself  on  the  weakest  side." 

7*  Mass.  Spy,  April  26,  1809,  Essay  II.  See  also  Salem  Register,  May 
6,  1805. 

75  Quoted  by  Freeman's  Press,  April  11,  1811. 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  FEDERALIST  REACTION,  1808-1815 

Late  in  December,  1800,  when  the  slowly  reported 
results  of  the  presidential  election  had  at  length  left 
no  doubt  but  that  Jefferson  was  successful,  Fisher 
Ames  wrote  to  his  friend,  Thomas  Dwight:  "The 
weather  is  mild  since  Jefferson  was  elected;  but  it  is 
an  unwholesome  and  treacherous  softness,  that  seizes 
the  windpipe  like  an  assassin.  Storms  will  succeed  and 
find  us  relaxed.  Is  not  this  an  emblem  of  the  smooth 
hypocrisy  with  which  his  reign  will  begin,  as  well  as  of 
its  inevitable  rigor  and  agitation  ! ' n  Outside  of  the  natu- 
ral Federalist  antipathy  in  these  words,  they  contained 
a  great  element  of  truth,  and  succeeding  events  showed 
that  Ames  was  right  in  expecting  trouble  for  the 
Republican  administration.  The  storms  which  broke 
upon  the  country  in  1807  and  which  lasted  with  slight 
intermissions  for  the  next  eight  years,  cost  Jefferson 
and  his  party  much  of  the  prestige  they  had  already 
acquired,  and  for  a  time  threatened  to  destroy  the 
Union.  In  the  midst  of  this  struggle  and  confusion  the 
Federalist  party  recovered  from  the  disasters  of  1800- 
1807  and  until  1815  had,  on  the  whole,  the  advantage  in 
the  close  and  bitter  political  struggle  which  character- 
ized the  period.  In  1807  Ames  wrote  of  his  party:  "I 
declare  to  you,  I  fear  Federalism  will  not  only  die,  but 
all  remembrance  of  it  be  lost.  As  a  party,  it  is  still  good 

i  Works,  II,  285. 


THE  FEDERALIST  REACTION  77 

for  everything  it  ever  was  good  for;  that  is  to  say,  to 
cry  'fire'  and  'stop  thief  when  Jacobinism  attempts  to 
burn  and  rob.  It  never  had  the  power  to  put  out  the 
fire,  or  seize  the  thief.'72  Federalism  still  possessed 
enough  vitality  to  give  Republicanism  a  series  of  humil- 
iating defeats,  but  it  was  after  all  a  somewhat  spasmodic 
rally,  without  permanent  results. 

The  triumph  of  the  Republicans  in  New  England  had 
not  been  marked  by  many  revolutionary  changes  or  pro- 
posals. In  New  Hampshire,  when  in  1804  the  party 
first  gained  control  of  the  legislature,  their  victory  was 
signalized  chiefly  by  the  passage  of  resolutions  endors- 
ing the  President,  by  the  ratification  of  the  twelfth 
amendment,  and  the  passage  of  a  bill  creating  a  district 
system  for  the  choice  of  congressional  representatives, 
all  of  which  measures  received  Governor  Oilman's 
veto.3  The  election  of  Langdon  in  1805  did  not  seem  to 
encourage  radicalism.  In  his  message  of  1806  the  gov- 
ernor stated  as  subjects  needing  most  attention,  the 
improvement  of  the  militia  system,  the  establishment  of 
a  permanent  seat  of  government,  and  the  taking  of  the 
sense  of  the  people  in  regard  to  a  revision  of  the  state 
constitution,  none  of  which  could  be  considered  subver- 
sive of  existing  institutions.4  A  more  serious  grievance 
appears  to  have  been  the  Republican  custom  of  settling 
the  succeeding  day's  business  by  a  caucus  the  previous 

2  Ibid.,  391,  392.     Ames  to  Josiah  Quincy,  January  27,  1807. 

3  Col.  Centinel,  June  20,   27,   1804.     For  governor 's  veto  messages  see 
Portsmouth  Oracle,  June  30. 

4  Portsmouth  Oracle,  June   14,   1806.     N.   H.   Gazette,  March  18,   1806. 
"Governor  Langdon  has  convinced  multitudes  that  he  views  all  good  Fed- 
eralists   as    good    Eepublicans.    For    in    his    numerous    appointments    and 
promotions  the  past  year,  it  is  very  generally  known  that  he  has  not  been 
influenced  in  the  least  by  sinister  party  or  political  views,  but  his  only 
inquiry  has  been,   is  the  candidate  an  honest,  upright  character  and  the 
friend  of  his  country." 


78  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

evening,  which  it  was  said  "rendered  argument  in 
vain. ' '5 

In  Vermont  in  1807  the  Republicans  passed  a  religious 
liberty  bill  which  a  Federalist  paper  denounced  as 
"another  striking  instance  of  the  pernicious,  the  dire- 
ful, the  infernal  consequences  to  which  the  leveling  spirit 
of  democracy  must  invariably  tend.  It  discloses  at  once 
its  great  and  only  object,  viz.,  the  eradication  of  every 
moral,  virtuous,  and  religious  principle  from  the  human 
heart.  "6  Such  lamentations  were  characteristic  of  Fed- 
eralist publications  and  are  probably  not  a  fair  test  of 
public  feeling. 

In  Massachusetts  the  Republican  program  in  1807 
XT  included  a  religious  liberty  bill,  certain  minor  reforms 
^  ^  in  the  judicial  system,  a  law  for  quieting  titles  in  Maine, 
t$*  and  a  few  less  important  proposals.7  The  Federalists 
in  the  following  spring  tried  to  stir  up  alarm  by  claim- 
ing that  the  Republicans  were  beginning  a  "general  war 
on  property  and  religion.  "*  As  in  1798,  however, 
foreign  relations  had  the  most  marked  effect  on  politics. 

The  old  division  of  the  people  into  French  and  Brit- 
ish partisans  had  never  been  lost  sight  of.  During 
Jefferson's  first  administration  the  Peace  of  Amiens, 
which  ended,  for  a  short  time,  the  hostilities  in  Europe, 

B  Portsmouth  Oracle,  July  21,  1804.  The  Republicans  seem  to  have 
introduced  a  similar  custom  into  Vermont.  Cf.  Dartmouth  Gazette,  Novem- 
ber 30,  1808.  "It  is  said  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  Vermont  legis- 
lature actually  established  a  Jacobin  Club  under  the  fashionable  name  of 
caucus.  .  .  .  This  continued  to  meet  openly  almost  every  evening  for  the 
important  purpose  of  cutting  and  drying  the  next  day's  business:  of 
devising  ways  and  means  to  check  the  progress  of  federal  right  and  federal 
truth.  .  .  .  The  greatest  precautions  were  used  to  prevent  a  discovery  of 
their  designs." 

«  Dartmouth  Gazette,  November  18,  1807. 

TAMORY,  Sullivan,  II,  209,  210.  An  excellent  account  of  Sullivan's 
administration  is  found,  192-215. 

s  Col.  Centinel,  March  23,  1808. 


THE  FEDERALIST  EEACTION  79 

had  apparently  produced  a  similar  effect  in  America. 
But  with  the  reopening  of  the  great  war  in  1803,  the 
American  trade  with  the  belligerents  resulted  in  renewed 
complications,  which  deranged  public  business  until 
1815.  In  1804  Great  Britain  began  the  blockade  of 
France  and  her  colonial  possessions.  In  the  following 
year  the  decision  in  the  Essex  case  made  illegal  the 
profitable  "  broken  voyage "  between  the  belligerent 
countries  and  their  colonies.  Then  in  1806  and  1807  i 
came  the  Decrees  of  Napoleon  and  the  Orders-in-Coun-  VX 
cil  of  Great  Britain.  Accompanying  these  difficulties 
was  the  perennial  impressment  grievance,  which  had 
done  so  much  to  arouse  ill  feeling  towards  the  latter 
country.  On  June  22,  1807,  occurred  the  outrage  on  the 
Chesapeake;  in  December  Congress  met,  and  on  the 
twenty-first  laid  the  embargo.  New  England  had  such 
valuable  commercial  interests,  and  people  were  so 
dependent  on  foreign  trade,  that  this  measure  was  at 
once  brought  home  to  practically  every  person  in  the 
section.9  The  political  effect  was  soon  apparent,  and 
Jefferson's  interesting  experiment  was  disastrous  to  his 
party. 

Ever  since  the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake,  business  had 
been  unsatisfactory.10  The  new  prohibition  practically 
brought  it  to  a  standstill.  The  intense  indignation 
which  had  filled  the  country  six  months  earlier  had  now 
subsided,  and  there  was  nothing  in  such  an  act  as  the 

•X  ADAMS,  History  of  the  United  States,  IV,  278-280. 

IOBENTLEY,  Diary,  III,  316.  August  29,  1807.  "We  feel  an  almost 
universal  stagnation  of  business  from  the  late  outrage  on  the  Chesapeake. 
Parties  are  very  apprehensive  of  war."  Ibid.,  320.  September  16.  "The 
apprehensions  of  war  have  been  great  but  they  subside  again.  The  public 
mind  is  much  unsettled.  So  attached  are  our  Seaports  to  bargains,  that 
we  should  be  hardly  induced  to  believe  that  they  would  think  of  considering 
public  liberty  the  best  bargain. ' ' 


80  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

embargo  to  inspire  patriotism  or  loyalty  to  the  admin- 
istration. "The  ministerialists  deceive  themselves 
egregiously  if  they  count  upon  the  present  existence  of 
the  spirit  which  prevailed  in  July  last/'  declared  the 
Columbian  Centinel*1  And  a  few  days  later:  "  'We 
told  you  so'  is  quite  a  cant  phrase  among  the  democrats. 
Did  they  tell  the  farmers  and  fishermen,  that  in  the 
stagnation  of  business  which  the  partial  conduct  of  the 
administration  was  calculated  to  produce  they  would 
be  the  greatest  sufferers  by  the  hard  earnings  of  their 
honest  labor  perishing  on  their  hands?"12  It  was  at 
once  seen  that  the  embargo  would  be  the  great  issue 
in  the  spring  elections.13  In  Massachusetts  the  Repub- 
licans evidently  realized  the  seriousness  of  the  situation. 
In  Essex  County,  a  delegate  convention  met  at  Ipswich 
on  February  29,  and  adopted  resolutions  approving  the 
conduct  of  the  national  and  state  administrations  and 
endorsing  the  embargo  "as  a  measure  best  calculated 
to  preserve  our  property  from  plunder,  our  seamen 
from  impressment,  and  our  nation  from  the  horrors  of 
war."14  Similar  Republican  conventions  met  in  other 
counties  and  acted  in  the  same  way.  The  Federalists 
were  equally  energetic  in  denouncing  the  administra- 
tion. New  England  was  full  of  feverish  political  excite- 

11  Quoted  by  Portsmouth  Oracle,  January  2,  1808. 

12  December  30,  1807. 

ISBENTLEY,  Diary,  III,  337.  January  5,  1808.  "  Politics  become  more 
sour  as  the  severity  of  winter  increases.  Why  the  embargo?  say  all.  Some 
reply,  because  of  France.  Some,  of  England.  Some  hope  it  will  make  the 
administration  unpopular.  Others  wish  to  complain  but  they  dare  not  give 
the  opposition  so  much  pleasure.  Where  interest  prevails  &  patriotism 
is  little  known,  we  can  hope  nothing  from  the  latter  without  some  present 
hopes  of  the  former.  Prosperity  has  been  at  the  helm  &  has  corrupted  us. 
Integrity  cannot  command,  without  hazard,  that  obedience  will  be  refused. ' ' 

i*  Ind.  Chronicle,  February  29,  1808.  For  an  account  of  Bristol  County 
convention,  ibid.,  March  7,  Norfolk,  March  21,  Middlesex,  March  17. 


THE  FEDERALIST  REACTION  81 

ment  all  through  the  year.  County  conventions,  town 
meetings,  mass  meetings,  flourished  as  never  before.15 
In  Massachusetts,  Sullivan  was  re-elected  by  a  greatly 
reduced  majority;16  the  Federalists  controlled  the  leg- 
islature. The  Republicans  complained,  however,  that 
had  as  many  of  their  towns  sent  representatives  as  had 
a  right  to  do  so,  the  result  would  have  been  different.17 
In  Connecticut  the  Republican  vote  for  governor  fell 
off  about  a  thousand;  there  was  a  decrease  in  their 
strength  in  the  legislature.18  The  New  Hampshire  Fed- 
eralists had  not  recovered  from  the  lethargy  of  the  pre- 
ceding two  years,  Langdon  and  a  Republican  legislature 
being  returned.19  Rhode  Island  experienced  a  Federal- 
ist regeneration.  In  the  latter  state  the  Republican 
ascendancy  had  been  so  complete  that  there  is  evidence 
of  a  break  in  the  dominant  party.  '  '  Quiddism, ' '  which 
was  common  in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  appeared 
only  in  isolated  cases  in  New  England,  the  even  balance 
of  party  strength  keeping  ranks  almost  unbroken.  In 
1805,  in  Rhode  Island,  "  third  parties  of  disappointed 
office  seekers "  were  said  to  have  appeared  in  many 
towns.20  In  the  following  year,  after  the  death  of 
Arthur  Fenner,  there  were  two  Republican  candidates 
for  governor,  resulting  in  a  deadlock  throughout  the 
year.21  James  Fenner  was  elected  in  1807  and  held 
office  until  1811,  but  in  1808  the  Federalists  combined 
with  "the  moderate  democrats, "  and,  favored  by  the 

IB ' '  The  highest  perfection  of  caucusing  came  during  the  embargo 
period/'  Portsmouth  Oracle,  March  25,  1809. 

i«  Six  hundred  and  nineteen  in  a  total  vote  of  81,147.  Returns  Mass. 
Archives. 

IT  Ind.  Chronicle,  May  26,  1808. 

is  Conn.  Courant,  April  27,  1808. 

is  Col.  Centinel,  June  8,  1808. 

20  Providence  Phoenix,  April  20,  1805. 

21  E.  I.  Manual,  108. 


82  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

anti-embargo  sentiment,  elected  a  Federalist  legisla- 
ture.22 In  no  state  did  the  embargo  excite  deeper  dis- 
satisfaction than  in  Vermont,  and  it  was  not  long  before 
the  Lake  Champlain  region  needed  troops  to  enforce  the 
law.23  As  early  as  May  it  was  reported  that  "the  dying 
groans  of  democracy  echo  from  hill  to  hill  in  Ver- 
mont. "24  The  state  election  did  not  occur  until  Sep- 
tember, when  Smith  was  defeated  and  Tichenor  came 
back  to  office  supported  by  a  Federalist  council.  The 
Republicans  retained  control  of  the  House. 

If  the  change  in  state  politics  was  striking,  that  in 
national  politics  was  no  less  so.  Connecticut,  Rhode 
Island,  and  New  Hampshire  returned  Federalist  dele- 
gations. Vermont  elected  two  Federalists  and  two 
Republicans.  Massachusetts,  instead  of  eleven,  now 
sent  only  seven  Republicans.  In  the  presidential  elec- 
tion, the  latter  state  was  unwilling  to  take  any  chances 
with  a  popular  election  so  the  Federalist  legislature 
chose  electors.  Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire 
chose  Federalists  by  popular  vote,  Connecticut  by  the 
legislature.  In  all  New  England,  Madison  received  only 
the  vote  of  Vermont  where  the  legislature,  many  of 
whose  members  "were  elected  by  a  lean  majority  of 
little  boroughs  many  of  which  have  not  forty  electors  in 
them  and  which  have  sent  the  same  representation  as 
the  largest  towns  in  the  state,"  chose  Republicans.25 

But  while  Federalism  had  again  secured  the  upper 
hand  in  New  England,  it  had  not  the  supremacy  which 
it  enjoyed  in  the  crisis  of  1798.  Bentley  writes  in  his 
diary  while  the  spring  election  returns  of  Massachusetts 

22  Conn.  Courant,  May  11,  1808.    Col.  Centinel,  September  7,  gives  result 
of  fall  election. 
^23  ADAMS,  U.  S.,  IV,  249. 
2*  Col.  Centinel,  May  21,  1808. 
25  Hid.,  November  13. 


THE  FEDERALIST  EEACTION  83 

were    coming    in    that    "the    great    efforts    have    not 
shifted  the  balance  but  put  on  more  weight."26     This 
would  perhaps  not  hold  true  of  the  later  elections  as 
opposition  to  the  embargo  rose  steadily  as  the  months 
went  by,  but  at  best  Federalism  had  triumphed  by  a 
narrow  margin  only  and  its  opponents  were  ready  to 
renew  the  fight.     Manasseh  Cutler  observed  this  and 
remarked  in  a  letter  to  Pickering :  ' i  There  is  indeed  con- 
siderable change,  but  strange  as  it  may  appear,  those 
who  continue  democrats,  seem  to  be  more  violent  than\ 
ever.  .   .   .  It  is  said  that  Marblehead  suffers  more  than  / 
any  other  town,  and  yet  that  the  spirit  of  democracy** 
was   never  higher   among   them.     The   New   England  J 
democrats,  I  am  inclined  to  think,  are  the  most  bitter/ 
and  obstinate  in  the  nation.  "2T    Furthermore,  and  inter- 
esting  as   showing  the   refusal   of   some   members   to 
remain  with  the  party  in  its  transition  from  the  Feder-\ 
alism  of  Hamilton  and  John  Adams  to  that  of  Picker-  ) 
ing  and  the  Hartford  Convention,  three  prominent  Fed-  ( 
eralists  joined  the  Republican  party.    These  were  John  f 
Quincy  Adams,  William  Plumer,  and  William  L.  Gray  I 
of  Salem,  the  latter  probably  the  wealthiest  merchant' 
in  the  United  States.    To  join  the  Republicans  at  a  time 
when  the  party  was  discredited,  and  the  opposition  was 
raging  at  its  favorite  measure,  showed  either  a  high 
sense  of  duty  or  the  shrewdest  political  insight.28 

The   opposition  to  the   embargo   at  length  made  it5" 
impossible    for    the    administration    to    withstand    the 

2«  Diary,  III,  353. 

27  Pickering  MSS.,  XXVII,  434.    Cutler  to  Pickering,  December  28,  1808. 

Am.  Mercury,  June  2,  1809.     "As  the  embargo  is  the  foundation  on 
which  stands  the  present  federal  triumph,  when  that  shall  cease  they  will 
probably  stand  on  nothing." 
v^28  ADAMS,  U.  S.,  IV.,  240  ff. 

An  interesting  example  of  successful  political  prophecy  occurs  in  Am. 
Mercury,  June  9,  1808,  referring  to  the  fact  that  the  Federalists  had  won 


84  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

demand  for  its  removal.  Repeal  accordingly  took  place 
March  1,  1809,  after  a  long  debate  in  which  New  Eng- 
land Republicans  joined  forces  with  the  Federalists.29 
A  few  days  later  "the  late  great  man,"  as  the  Federal- 
ists called  him,30  departed  for  Monticello.  Much  has 
been  written  of  the  storm  of  disapproval  excited  by  the 
embargo.  This  is  undoubtedly  true,  but  it  should  not 
be  forgotten  that  there  was  always  a  strong  Republican 
opposition  which  stood  by  the  government.31  Even  in 
February,  1809,  when  opposition  was  at  its  height,  the 
New  Hampshire  legislature  sustained  the  Jefferson 
administration.32 

The  elections  in  four  of  the  New  England  states  took 
place  while  the  effects  of  the  embargo  were  still  evi- 
dent. In  New  Hampshire,  John  Langdon  was  defeated 
and  the  Federalists  came  back  to  power  in  all  depart- 
ments. A  similar  result  took  place  in  Massachusetts, 
where  Governor  Sullivan  had  died  the  preceding  Decem- 
ber, a  loss  which  the  party  felt  severely.  The  lieutenant- 
governor,  Levi  Lincoln,  who  succeeded  him  as  candidate, 
was  beaten  by  Christopher  Gore  of  Boston.  Rhode 
Island  and  Connecticut  were  Federalist,  while  Vermont 
elected  Jonas  Galusha,  a  Republican. 

the  Massachusetts  legislature,  "In  the  present  year  they  can  elect  a  federal 
Senator  in  place  of  Mr.  Adams.  What  then?  they  will  only  nominate  Mr. 
Adams  to  a  future  presidency  of  the  United  States. ' ' 

PLUMER,  Plumer,  365,  366.  Interesting  references  to  Gray's  position  in 
BENTLEY,  Diary,  III,  409-411,  414,  416. 

2»  ADAMS,  U.  S.,  IV,  432-453. 

so  Col.  Centinel,  November  1,  1809. 

si  For  accounts  of  town  meetings  which  sustained  the  embargo,  see  Ind. 
Chronicle,  August  13,  25,  29,  September  1,  5,  1808;  Am.  Mercury,  Septem- 
ber 8,  29.  There  was  a  belief  that  town  meetings  were  to  a  great  extent 
inspired  by  the  Boston  Federalists.  Ind.  Chronicle,  August  29,  1808. 
BENTLEY,  Diary,  III,  377.  "The  Opposition  are  busy  in  promoting  meas- 
ures against  the  embargo.  These  measures  as  usual  originate  in  Boston. 
.  .  .  Boston  now  originates  all  mischief." 

32  Portsmouth  Oracle,  February  18,  1809. 


THE  FEDERALIST  REACTION  85 

The  fact  that  parties  were  now  essentially  national 
is  shown  by  the  fluctuation  in  Republican  strength 
in  New  England  according  to  the  prestige  gained  or  lost 
by  the  national  administration.  In  1809,  in  spite  of  the 
continued  distress  due  to  the  losses  of  the  previous  year, 
and  the  passage  of  the  Non-Intercourse  law,  there  was 
a  marked  renewal  of  business  prosperity.33  The  pros- 
pect of  a  settlement  with  England,  although  not  ulti- 
mately realized,  also  served  to  give  Madison 's  admin- 
istration a  certain  temporary  popularity.34 

The  revival  of  Republican  confidence  was  soon  appar- 
ent in  the  elections  of  1810.  Old  John  Langdon  and  his 
party  carried  New  Hampshire;  Galusha  did  the  same 
in  Vermont.  In  Rhode  Island  Fenner  still  held  his 
place35  In  Massachusetts  there  was  as  usual  a  fiercely 
contested  campaign.  Elbridge  Gerry,  who  had  not  taken 
a  prominent  part  in  public  affairs  since  1803,  was 
brought  back  as  Republican  candidate,  and  his  Revolu- 
tionary record  invoked  as  an  aid  to  the  party.36  In  a 
total  vote  of  more  than  ninety  thousand  Gerry  received 
a  majority,  and  his  party  had  a  safe  margin  in  the  legis- 
lature. Governor  Treadwell  of  Connecticut  remained 
"like  Balaam  on  his  Ass,  determined  on  mischief  without 
the  power  of  effecting  it."37 

In  the  latter  state  Republicanism  did  not  recover 
from  the  depression  of  the  embargo  period.  In  1810 
there  was  no  Fourth  of  March  celebration  by  the  Repub- 
licans, and  no  open  electioneering.38  The  long  and  fruit- 
less struggle  had  evidently  begun  to  discourage  the 

33  ADAMS,  U.  S.,  V,  15-21. 
s*  Hid.,  66-81. 

35  Rhode  Island  Republican,  November  7,   1810. 
3«  AUSTIN,  Gerry,  II,  317. 

37  A  Fourth  of  July  toast  to  ' '  Connecticut  and  Gov.  Treadwell. ' '  E. 
Argus,  July  26,  1810. 

ss  Conn.  Courant,  April  4,  1810. 


86  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

party.  In  this  year,  however,  there  appeared  for  the 
first  time  a  break  in  the  Federalist  ranks,  a  factional 
quarrel  breaking  out  between  the  friends  of  Treadwell 
and  Roger  Griswold.39  In  the  following  year  the  Repub- 
licans failed  to  put  a  candidate  in  the  field,  being  urged 
by  the  American  Mercury  to  support  Griswold.40  The 
latter  was  elected,  but  there  was  no  permanent  fusion. 
The  incident  is  interesting  as  a  forerunner  of  more 
serious  breaks  in  the  dominant  party  which  finally 
brought  about  its  downfall. 

If  possible,  New  England  politics  were  more  bitter 
in  the  years  immediately  preceding  the  outbreak  of  war 
than  ever  before.  The  struggle  to  retain  control  had 
led  to  measures  which  were  to  a  certain  extent  innova- 
tions. In  1809  Langdon  was  charged  with  turning  Fed- 
eralists out  of  office  and  making  Republican  appoint- 
ments after  the  result  of  the  election  was  known;41  in 
the  year  following,  the  Republican  council  was  reported 
to  have  caused  the  defeat  of  the  Federalist  congres- 
sional delegation  by  rejection  of  returns  which  had 
technical  defects.42 

In  Massachusetts,  the  constitutional  right  of  the 
towns  to  be  represented  in  the  General  Court,  according 
to  the  number  of  ratable  polls,  led  to  an  unseemly  com- 
petition in  sending  representatives.  The  number  in 
the  House  rose  from  356  in  1806  to  750  in  1812.43  In 
1810  Boston,  acting  on  the  theory  that  taxation  and 
representation  went  together  and  whereas  the  city  paid 
one  eighth  of  the  state  tax  it  should  use  its  constitu- 
tional right  to  the  utmost,  sent  forty-two  members  to 

3»  GREENE,  Beligious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  440. 

40  See  March  28  for  address  to  freemen.    Also  May  2. 

41  Col.  Centinel,  June  17,  21,  1809.    Portsmouth  Oracle,  June  17. 

42  Col.  Centinel,  September  26,  29,  1810. 

43  Compiled  from  register  in  Journal. 


THE  FEDERALIST  EEACTION  87 

the  House.44  An  election  law  regulating  the  qualification 
of  town  voters  which  was  proposed  by  the  Gore  adminis- 
tration was  considered  a  measure  favoring  Federalists,45 
and  helped  to  bring  about  their  defeat  in  1810. 

The  Gerry  administration,  however,  far  surpassed 
any  that  had  yet  appeared  in  New  England  in  the  pas- 
sage of  partisan  measures.  A  public  worship  bill,  a 
state  bank  bill,  a  suffrage  bill  were  adopted.  The  tenure 
of  various  state  offices  was  changed  so  that  the  governor 
was  able  to  turn  out  the  present  incumbents  and  substi- 
tute Republicans.  By  another  law,  members  of  the  leg- 
islature were  to  be  paid  from  the  state  treasury.  The 
law  creating  new  senatorial  districts  attracted  the  great- 
est amount  of  attention  and  made  the  governor's  name 
immortal  as  the  "  gerrymander. '  '**  The  significance  of 
most  of  these  measures  will  be  discussed  elsewhere. 

The  importance  of  the  District  of  Maine  to  the  Repub- 
licans of  Massachusetts  proper  was  well  illustrated  in 
this  administration.  Maine  had  a  Republican  majority 
every  year  from  1805  until  1815.47  The  "Betterment 
Law"  of  1808  was  a  Republican  measure  and  greatly 
increased  the  popularity  of  the  party  among  the  settlers, 
who  were  now  enabled  to  secure  titles  to  their  hold- 
ings.48 It  was  a  general  belief  that  the  Republicans 
were  inclined  to  favor  the  District  while  the  Federalists 
were  either  indifferent  or  actually  opposed  to  its  inter- 
ests.49 The  Republican  measures  of  1810-1812  received 

44  Col.  Centinel,  May  16,  1810. 

*5  Ind.  Chronicle,  February  22,  1810.  For  an  attack  on  this  law  as 
particularly  injurious  to  the  people  of  Maine,  see  E.  Argus,  January  18, 
1810. 

*6  For  a  concise  summary  of  the  Gerry  administration  see  BARRY,  History 
of  Massachusetts,  III,  365-368. 

47  Eeturns  in  Mass.  Archives. 

48  WILLIAMSON,  Maine,  II,  606-608. 

49  For  contrast  of  the  Federalist  and  Bepublican  attitude  toward  Maine, 
see  E.  Argus,  May  2,  1811. 


88  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

an  overwhelming  support  from  the  Maine  members  in 
the  legislature.50 

The  passage  of  the  various  Republican  measures 
stirred  up  public  feeling  to  a  remarkable  degree.  The 
Federalists  denounced  them  as  revolutionary  and  crimi- 
nal, while  the  Republicans  regarded  them  as  merely 
acts  of  justice  to  a  large  part  of  the  population  whose 
rights  had  been  ignored  in  the  past.51  It  was  difficult 
to  defend  the  Districting  Act  but  Federalist  precedents 
were  discovered.52  Combined  with  the  local  issues,  the 
condition  of  foreign  affairs  aroused  deep  feeling.  The 
attacks  of  French  and  British  on  American  commerce 
served  to  excite  the  deepest  resentment  in  both  parties, 
each  of  which  was  active  in  excusing  the  outrages  of 
its  foreign  friends.  It  was  seen  that  the  Massachusetts 
election  would  be  a  notable  event,  and  it  attracted 
attention  throughout  the  country.  The  vote  was  the 
heaviest  ever  cast,  and  in  over  a  hundred  thousand  votes 
Strong  had  a  majority  of  about  thirteen  hundred. 
Thanks  to  the  gerrymander  the  Republicans  had  a 
majority  in  the  Senate ;  the  House  was  Federalist.53 

Coming  just  before  the  declaration  of  war,  to  which 
the  Federalists  were  bitterly  opposed,  the  loss  of  Mas- 
sachusetts was  a  serious  blow  to  the  Republican  party. 
Rhode  Island  had  elected  a  Federalist  governor  in  the 
previous  year.  The  Republicans  still  held  Vermont  and 

so  On  the  Public  Worship  Bill,  84-22, 

Bill  Regulating  Choice  of  Town  Officers,  etc.,  76-20. 

State  Bank  Bill,  35-9. 

Bill  Providing  for  payment  of  Members,  72-24. 

House  Journal,  XXXII.    Appendices  3,  4,  8,  Sess.  I;  App.  3,  Sess.  II. 

si  See  Col.  Centinel,  February  12,  26,  March  7,  21,  25,  for  resolutions 
and  other  expressions  of  Federalist  opinion.  For  defense  of  the  Republi- 
cans, see  Ind.  Chronicle,  March  19,  which  contains  the  resolution  of  the 
Central,  York,  and  Bristol  Conventions. 

52  Ind.  Chronicle,  March  9. 

53  BARRY,  Mass.,  Ill,  369. 


THE  FEDERALIST  REACTION  89 

New  Hampshire,  the  governor  in  the  latter  state  being 
the  ex-Federalist,  William  Plumer.  In  the  presidential 
election  Madison  received  only  the  vote  of  Vermont. 

The  struggle  of  the  previous  two  years  had  led  to 
determined  efforts  to  get  out  the  vote.  In  1809  Bentley 
records  that  general  caucuses  seemed  to  have  lost  their 
reputation  and  "have  yielded  toward  other  subdivi- 
sions. "54  In  the  larger  towns  political  societies  made 
their  appearance  in  1809  and  1810.  In  Rhode  Island 
the  Tammany  Society  had  flourishing  lodges  among  the 
Republicans.55  The  organization  of  "Republican  Young 
Men"  was  active  in  a  number  of  places.56 

The  most  interesting  electioneering  machine  in  these 
years,  however,  was  of  Federalist  contrivance.  In  1810 
the  Washington  Benevolent  Societies  appeared  in  Rhode 
Island,  their  members  being  denounced  as  "wolves  in 
sheep 's  clothing "  whose  real  design  was  to  break  down 
the  strength  of  the  Tammany  Society  and  oppose  the 
execution  of  Congressional  laws.57  The  organization 
entered  Massachusetts  and  the  neighboring  states,  be- 
coming very  active  in  1812,  particularly  in  Vermont 
and  New  Hampshire.58  There  were  reported  to  be  nearly 
a  hundred  of  these  societies  in  the  former  state  in  the 
spring  of  1812.59 

Professedly,  they  were  for  the  purpose  of  inculcat- 

s*  Diary,  III,  421.  "In  this  way  conversation  is  personal  &  the  dis- 
position of  the  citizens  is  known.  In  general  assemblies  men  are  found 
from  curiosity  &  without  a  knowledge  of  the  strength  of  parties.  In  some 
of  these  private  assemblies  known  partizans  &  bold  intruders  have  been 
refused  without  ceremony.  The  labour  has  been  great.'' 

ss  See  M.  W.  JERNEGAN,  The  Tammany  Societies  of  Rhode  Island. 

56  Am.  Mercury,  February  11,  March  30,  1809. 

57  E.  I.  Republican,  July  25,  1810. 

58  Col.  Centinel,  February  26,  1812,  gives  account  of  the  founding  and 
objects   of  the  Boston   society.     Vt.   Republican,   February   10,   speaks   of 
"runners"  organizing  branches  in  various  places. 

B»  Ind.  Chronicle,  April  23. 


90  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

ing  patriotism  and  caring  for  indigent  veterans  and 
their  dependents.  Parades  on  Washington's  birthday, 
or  on  the  anniversary  of  the  first  inauguration,  dinners 
and  orations  on  other  occasions  constituted  their  pub- 
lic exercises.60  The  Republicans,  however,  saw  a  sinis- 
ter purpose  in  these  activities  and  were  convinced  that 
their  chief  object  was  political.61  In  an  address  before 
the  society  of  Windsor,  Vermont,  an  orator  declared 
one  of  its  objects  was  "to  correct  the  political  senti- 
ments of  the  people.  "62  In  June  a  convention  of  dele- 
gates from  the  societies  met  at  Woodstock  to  discuss 
plans  and  appoint  committees  for  electioneering.63 
"The  Washington  Benevolent  Societies  are  extending 
in  almost  every  direction/'  declares  the  New  Hampshire 
Patriot  a  year  later;  "they  fan  to  a  big  flame  the  spirit  of 
party  animosity  .  .  .  and  succeed  in  marshalling  and 
preparing  to  act  on  all  occasions,  each  individual  of 
their  party."64 

The  Republicans  viewed  the  spread  of  the  organiza- 
tion with  great  concern  and  showed  no  hesitation  in 
freely  expressing  their  views.  A  convention  of  Repub- 
licans at  Windham,  Vermont,  condemned  their  conduct 
as  "treason  and  rebellion,"65  and  a  few  days  later  the 
resolutions  of  another  gathering  at  Woodstock  declared 
them  to  be  friendly  to  England  and  "dangerous  by 
reason  of  their  numbers,  extent,  and  secrecy."66  In 
Cheshire,  Berkshire  County,  where  the  societies  were 

60  Col.  Centinel,  May  2,  1812,  gives  description  of  a  Boston  celebration. 

ei  Vt.  Bepublican,  March  30,  1812.  Letter  of  S.  Pond  of  Castleton. 
"  Their  object  is  not  to  disseminate  the  principles  of  Washington  and 
benevolence,  but  to  build  up  a  party. ' ' 

62  Ibid.,  March  2. 

es  Ibid.,  June  8. 

64  January  12,  1813. 

65  Vt.  Eepublican,  March  9,  1812. 
ee  Ibid.,  March  16. 


THE  FEDEEALIST  REACTION  91 

very  strong,67  the  Republican  resolutions  declared 
"Woe  to  the  Tories "  and  that  the  "vengeance  of  an 
indignant  people "  would  come  upon  them.68  The  activ- 
ity of  the  order  seems  to  have  subsided  in  1814  but  its 
activity  is  an  interesting  episode  in  New  England  poli- 
tics during  the  first  years  of  the  war.69 

The  increased  activity  of  the  Federalists  and  the  dis- 
satisfaction aroused  by  the  declaration  of  war  combined 
to  defeat  the  Republicans.  The  outbreak  of  war  had 
an  effect  similar  to  that  of  the  embargo,  and  as  the  war 
was  of  longer  duration  the  party  had  no  chance  to 
recover.  The  most  noticeable  effect  on  the  political 
situation  was  the  immediate  falling  off  in  the  vote, 
especially  in  southern  New  England.  In  Connecticut, 
politics  had  lost  interest  after  1809;  in  1812  only  9747 
votes  were  cast  for  governor,  a  decrease  of  42  per  cent 
from  that  of  three  years  earlier.  This  was  the  lowest 
point  reached  by  Republicanism  in  this  state.  The  vote 
showed  considerable  increase  in  1813,  but  fell  to  12,721 
in  1814.  The  Republican  vote  showed  the  worst  loss. 
In  1812  it  was  1974,  in  1814,  2619.  Apparently  the  party 
refused  to  go  to  the  polls.  The  case  in  Rhode  Island 
was  similar.  Between  1812  and  1814  the  vote  for  gov- 
ernor fell  from  8010  to  3542,  that  of  the  Republicans 
declining  from  3874  to  829,  a  decrease  of  79  per  cent. 
The  Connecticut  Republicans  had  evidently  foreseen  the 

67  N.  H.  Patriot,  May  4,  1813,  estimated  the  membership  of  the  countj 
society  as  over  2300. 

es  Ind.  Chronicle,  July  27,  1812. 

69  Interesting  accounts  of  the  activity  of  these  societies  appear  in  N.  H. 
Patriot,  March  2,  1813.  Vt.  Republican,  April  20,  1812.  A  very  amusing 
and  clever  satire  on  this  society  is  "The  First  Book  of  the  Washington 
Benevolents;  otherwise  called  the  Book  of  the  Knaves,"  Boston,  1813. 
This  was  followed  by  second,  third,  and  fourth  " books."  In  library  of 
American  Antiquarian  Society. 

See  also  H.  H.  BALLABD,  "A  Forgotten  Fraternity."  Collections  Berk- 
shire Historical  and  Scientific  Society,  III,  279-298. 


92  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

decline  of  their  party  for  they  devised  an  elaborate 
scheme  to  keep  up  popular  interest.  A  convention  at 
Hartford  on  July  21,  1812,  recommended  the  formation 
of  county  committees  of  public  safety  with  branches  in 
each  town  which  by  means  of  correspondence  should 
encourage  Republicans  and  keep  watch  on  their  oppo- 
nents.70 The  results  were  rather  meager,  however,  and 
in  the  following  year  the  Connecticut  Courant  declared 
that  only  "the  Government  use  of  patronage  and  con- 
tracts "  kept  the  party  alive.71 

In  Massachusetts  the  Republican  loss  was  not  so 
marked.  In  the  presidential  election  the  Federalist 
ticket  won  by  over  twenty  thousand.72  In  the  next  two 
state  elections,  however,  the  Republicans  displayed 
much  greater  power.  Caleb  Strong  was  re-elected  in 
each  year,  first  over  Joseph  Varnum,  then  over  Samuel 
Dexter,  a  prominent  Federalist,  who  refused  to  accept 
the  proposals  of  his  party  leaders  and  declared  himself 
for  a  patriotic  policy.  The  election  returns  do  not  indi- 
cate any  sweeping  changes  in  public  sentiment.  Between 
1812  and  1814  the  Federalist  vote  in  Massachusetts 
proper  gained  only  2763,  6  per  cent;  the  Republicans 
lost  3908,  11  per  cent.73  Maine,  as  will  be  shown, 
remained  staunchly  Republican.  Unlike  Connecticut  and 
Rhode  Island,  there  was  no  great  decline  in  the  total 
vote.74 

In  New  Hampshire  the  amount  of  voting  increased 

TO  Am.  Mercury,  July  29,  1812.  Similar  schemes  were  advised  in  other 
states.  See  Vt.  Kepublican,  July  27;  E.  I.  Eepublican,  August  6,  13. 

71  April  6,  1813. 

72  Col.  Centinel,  December  9,   1812.     The  Madison  ticket  carried  only 
Oxford  County,  Maine.    Massachusetts  total  vote,  50,254  to  27,003. 

73  Votes  in  Massachusetts  proper:   1812,  Strong,  40,256,  Gerry,  33,485; 

1813,  Strong,  43,019,  Varnum,  27,984;  1814,  Strong,  43,148,  Dexter,  29,577. 

74  Total  vote  for  Massachusetts  and  Maine:  1812,  104,156;  1813,  100,223; 

1814,  102,477. 


THE  FEDERALIST  EEACTION  93 

during  the  war.  In  1812  Plumer  had  been  chosen  by 
the  legislature,  lacking  the  necessary  majority  because 
of  scattering  votes.75  In  1813  he  was  beaten  by  about 
eight  hundred,  but  in  the  following  year  the  Federalist 
majority  was  less  than  one  hundred.  During  the  two 
years  of  the  war  the  Eepublican  candidate  gained  3587 
votes,  the  Federalist  3512;  the  total  increase  in  votes 
was  6212.76  A  change  which  the  Federalists  made  in 
the  judicial  system  in  1813  was  the  cause  of  widespread 
dissatisfaction,  and  perhaps  contributed  to  the  political 
interest.77  But  when  the  decline  of  Republicanism  in 
the  three  southern  New  England  states  is  considered, 
the  hold  of  the  party  on  New  Hampshire  is  striking, 
and  the  following  boast  of  the  Republicans  seems  justi- 
fied, "Although  we  have  smugglers,  traitors,  and  abet- 
tors of  the  enemy  in  abundance,  yet  this  little  state  has 
not  been  excelled  by  any  state  in  the  union  in  perse- 
verance in  correct  principles,  in  stubborn  opposition  to 
the  mountains  of  iniquity  and  corruption  that  have 
assailed  its  citizens  on  all  sides.  "78 

In  addition  to  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont,  the 
Republicans  had  had  their  greatest  strength  in  Maine 
in  the  years  immediately  preceding  the  war.  Maine, 
however,  unlike  Vermont  and  New  Hampshire,  had  a 
long  seacoast  and  important  commercial  interests  which 
were  badly  injured  by  the  outbreak  of  war.  But  here 
also  Republicanism  held  its  own.  In  1812  the  dis- 
trict gave  Gerry  a  majority  of  5401;  in  1813,  it  gave 
Varnum  1070;  Dexter,  2655,  in  1814.  The  falling  off 

75  Col.  Centinel,  June  18,  1812.     Plumer,  15,492,  Gilman,  15,613,  Scat- 
tering, 887. 

76  N.  H.  Patriot,  April  5,  1814.     Plumer,  19,079,  Gilman,  19,125. 

77  PLUMER,  Plumer,  411-414,        See  also   N.   H.   Patriot,  July  20,  27, 
August  3,  10,  17,  24,  October  12,  26,  November  9,  1813. 

78  N.  H.  Patriot,  April  12,  1814. 


94  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

in  the  vote  was  very  slight.79  In  the  Senate,  in  1814, 
Albion  K.  Parris,  one  of  the  Maine  delegation,  declared, 
"  However  great  may  be  the  distress  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Maine,  he  mistakes  their  character  if  he  even  sus- 
pects them  ready  to  abandon  the  principles  they  have  so 
long  and  uniformly  supported  and  succumb  to  the 
tyrant  of  the  ocean.  "80  In  this  year  the  British  took 
possession  of  the  country  east  of  the  Penobscot,  although 
their  actual  occupation  was  confined  to  Castine  and  a 
few  minor  coast  towns.81  Maine,  however,  did  what  New 
Hampshire  and  Vermont  were  unable  to  accomplish,  and 
elected  two  Republican  congressmen,  the  only  ones 
chosen  in  New  England.82 

The  attitude  of  the  Republicans  toward  the  disunion 
tendencies  of  the  Federalists  and  especially  towards  the 
Hartford  Convention,  will  be  discussed  in  another  con- 
nection. Enough  has  been  said  to  indicate  that  the 
Federalist  ascendancy  in  New  England  during  these 
critical  years  was  far  from  complete.83 

The  history  of  the  Republican  party  in  New  England 
has  now  been  traced  for  a  period  of  approximately 
twenty  years.  Beginning  with  small  and  scattered 
forces  the  party  became  a  great,  well-organized  body, 
which  had  at  length  gained  control  of  all  but  one  state 
in  the  group.  Peculiar  circumstances  prevented  its  con- 
trol from  being  continuous,  but  its  influence  on  political 
history  of  the  period  was  of  national  importance. 

79  The  vote  of  the  Maine  counties  stood  as  follows:  1812,  30,407;  1813, 
28,540;  1814,  30,107.  Beturns  in  Mass.  Archives. 

so  E.  Argus,  June  16,  1814. 

si  WILLIAMSON,  Maine,  II,  639-648. 

«2  ADAMS,  U.  S.,  VIII,  228. 

83  The  Boston  Patriot,  January  3,  1816,  quotes  from  the  Democratic 
Press  of  Philadelphia  a  lengthy  article  advocating  the  election  of  a  New 
England  Eepublican  to  the  presidency,  and  recounting  the  services  of 
New  England,  military,  naval,  and  political,  during  the  late  war. 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  PARTY  BASIS 

The  preceding  chapters  have  dealt  largely  with  the 
comparative  strength  of  the  Republican  and  Federalist 
parties  as  expressed  in  terms  of  legislative  divisions  or 
election  returns,  rather  than  with  their  fundamental 
differences  in  principle  or  membership.  What  were  the 
influences  which  divided  the  population  of  New  Eng- 
land into  two  great  opposing  bodies  estimated  in  1805 
to  number  580,000  ^Republican  and  565,000  of  Feder- 
alist sympathies?1  What  appeal  was  made  to  those  who 
voted  for  Elbridge  Gerry  or  Caleb  Strong,  or  to  the 
eight  thousand  voters  who  kept  up  such  a  long  and  dis- 
couraging struggle  against  the  Federalist  regime  in 
Connecticut?  The  attitude  of  the  parties  on  such  politi- 
cal questions  as  foreign  policy  or  interpretation  of  the 
constitution  is  too  well  known  to  need  comment,  but  this 
is  merely  indicative  of  more  essential  differences  in 
personnel  or  opinion. 

Edward  Kendall,  an  Englishman  who  traveled  through 
New  England  during  the  embargo  period  when  party 
feeling  was  running  high,  found  great  difficulty  in 
explaining  to  his  readers  the  basis  of  the  party  differ- 
ences which,  he  found,  extended  into  the  churches  and 
even,  as  he  expressed  it,  "to  the  graves  of  the  dead."2 

1  Am.  Mercury,  May  23,  1805.     Quoted  from  National  Intelligencer. 

2  EDWARD   AUGUSTUS   KENDALL,   Travels   Through  the   Northern   Parts 
iy6f  the  United  States,  in  the  years  1807  and  1808,  New  York  1809,  II,  131. 
^Referring  to  Brewster,  Mass.     "Political  animosities  reach,  too,  as  usual, 

to  the  church;  and  not  only  to  the  church,  but  to  the  graves  of  the  dead; 


96  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

The  terms  which  he  used  to  denote  them,  "  Federal- 
ist" and  "Anti-federalist"  were  rapidly  becoming  obso- 
lete. For  the  former  he  found  the  "more  modern  com- 
pellations"  to  be  "traitors,  tories,  damned  tories,  and 
British  tories,"  and  for  the  latter,  "jacobins,  French 
tories,  republicans  and  democrats."  The  two  last 
quoted  terms  he  found  hard  to  interpret  since,  from 
the  very  nature  of  the  American  system,  the  whole 
people  must  be  at  once  republican  and  democratic.  The 
difference  of  opinion  he  considered  to  be  only  as  to  the 
method  by  which  the  government  should  be  adminis- 
tered.3 The  attitude  of  the  parties  toward  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  French  Revolution  was  also  an  essential 
difference.  "Democracy,"  he  concluded,  was  "the  name 
of  a  sect  in  philosophy  as  well  as  of  a  party  in  foreign 
and  domestic  politics,  the  sect  and  the  party  being  com- 
monly espoused  by  the  same  individual."  To  the  Fed- 
eralists "the  questions  of  jacobinism  and  anti-jacobinism 
had  appeared  nearly  in  the  same  light  as  to  the  enemies 
of  jacobinism  in  Europe."  But  more  suggestive  as  to 
the  real  basis  of  party  was  a  Federalist  document  which 
he  quotes  for  the  benefit  of  his  readers,  as  "a  solemn 
statement  of  the  differences  depending  between  the 
two." 

Many  people  indulge  an  opinion,  that  the  divisions  which 
now  agitate  the  public  mind,  originate  merely  in  a  difference 
of  sentiment,  respecting  certain  principles  in  politics,  or  the 
best  mode  of  administering  government.  This  is  a  sad  mis- 
take. Observe  attentively  the  characters  of  those  who  com- 
pose a  major  part  of  the  class  called  democrats;  remark,  like- 
wise, the  tenor  of  the  instructions  addressed  to  them,  through 

the  anti-federalists  want  to  enclose  the  burying  ground,  but  the  federalists 
are  for  continuing  a  free  access  to  the  hogs.     The  merits  of  the  question 
do  not  admit  of  being  stated  with  the  brevity  in  this  place  required. ' ' 
s  Ibid.,  Ill,  2,  3. 


THE  PAETY  BASIS  97 

their  public  prints; — it  will,  then,  be  impossible  not  to  see, 
that  the  controversy  is  of  a  more  serious  nature ;  that  the  points 
in  dispute  go  to  the  foundation  of  social  establishments,  and 
aim  at  a  total  revolution  in  the  present  state  of  society;  that 
ignorance,  prejudice,  profligacy  and  their  concomitant,  want, 
are  marshalled  and  combined  against  all  laudable  eminence. 

It  is  true,  that  some  informed,  but  unprincipled  men,  are 
making  use  of  these  instruments,  solely  with  a  view  to  effect 
their  own  selfish  plans,  in  pursuit  of  office;  but  should  their 
object  be  accomplished,  the  evil  will  not  end  here.  .  .  .  That 
malignant  hostility,  which  they  have  fostered,  against  those, 
who  either  by  inheritance  or  industry,  have  arrived  at  affluence, 
will  pursue  its  career,  like  a  torrent.  The  line  of  affluence  is 
not  easily  drawn ;  competence  will  be  the  second  sacrifice.  .  .  . 4 

This  quotation  is  full  of  the  characteristic  pessimism 
of  the  Federalists  who  were  continually  prophesying  a 
terrible  convulsion  in  social  and  political  relations5  but 
nevertheless  suggests  an  important  basis  for  division  on 
political  questions.  Property  is  naturally  one  of  the 
first  things  about  which  people  can  disagree,  and  their 
attitude  on  the  political  questions  concerning  it  is  largely 
influenced  by  possession  or  lack  of  the  same.  The  adop- 
tion of  the  constitution  had  been  brought  about  by  those 
whose  business  was  suffering  from  the  weak  govern- 
ment of  the  Confederation,  and  opposed  by  those  who 
feared  what  Fisher  Ames  styled  a  "debt-compelling 
government. ' '  The  merchant  whose  ship  was  ordered 
back  to  port  by  the  revenue  officers,  during  the  embargo, 
hated  the  Republican  administration  for  interfering 

4  iiid.,  in,  6,  7. 

«Cf.  the  following  extract  from  a  Federalist  speech  of  1800.  "But 
should  Jacobinism  gain  the  ascendancy;  let  every  man  arm  himself,  not 
only  to  defend  his  property,  his  wife,  and  children,  but  to  secure  his  life, 
from  the  dagger  of  his  Jacobin  neighbor. ' '  An  Oration,  Delivered  at  Deer- 
field  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1800,  by  Claudius  Herrick,  Greenfield,  Mass., 
1800.  Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Library. 


98  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

with  his  property  with  the  same  intensity  as  that  with 
which  the  Maine  squatter  hated  Governor  Strong,  whom 
he  held  responsible  for  his  own  eviction  and  the  confis- 
cation of  his  improvements.  The  effect  of  the  land  tax 
in  1799  has  already  been  discussed. 

Contemporary  opinion  tended  to  look  at  party  divi- 
sions as  the  result  of  commercial,  that  is,  property 
questions.  "I  apply  without  hesitation, ' '  writes  one 
Federalist  in  explaining  the  rise  of  party  spirit  in  1793, 
"the  term  Rabble  to  that  numerous  class  of  degenerate 
mankind  who  are  destitute  of  honor,  character,  and 
property  and  are  the  accustomed  tools  of  every  inflam- 
matory demagogue.  There  are  such  among  every 
people,  no  matter  how  they  may  be  dignified  by  the 
French  and  Bostonians  with  the  honorable  title  of  citi- 
zen. "6  Says  another,  "Society  consists  of  two  classes; 
of  those  who  have  something  and  want  to  keep  it,  and 
of  the  rabble  who  have  got  nothing  and  are  ever  ready 
to  be  stirred  up  to  get  everything. ' "  The  Republican 
view  was  similar,  but  of  course  from  the  standpoint  of 
the  righteous  opponents  of  the  overwhelming  power  of 
wealth.  "Aristocracy  has  sprung  up  through  the  means 
of  unusual  and  overgrown  wealth  created  by  the  funding 
system  without  industry,"  declared  the  Independent 
Chronicle  in  the  course  of  its  campaign  against  Fisher 
Ames  in  1794.8  "The  great  conflict  between  the  Federal 
and  Republican  parties  in  this  country  originated  prin- 
cipally in  the  different  views  and  motives  which  actuated 

the  commercial  and  landed  interests.   .    .    .   Commerce 

• 
accumulates  great  wealth  in  the  hands  of  individuals. 

.  .   .  Farmers  wish  for  a  government  simple  and  frugal 
in  its  administration. " 

«  Conn.  Courant,  February  11,  1793. 
7  Col.  Centinel,  January  31,  1801. 
s  September  2,  1794. 


THE  PARTY  BASIS  99 

Whether  this  is  the  true  explanation  for  the  origin 
of  the  party  division  or  not,  there  is  abundant  evidence 
that  the  Eepublican  movement  was  that  of  the  non- 
property  holding  classes.  The  nature  of  electioneering 
appeals  bears  out  the  charge  which  Kendall  quoted. 
They  are  full  of  assaults  on  the  merchants,  the  banks 
and  other  corporations,  and  the  defenders  of  property 
interests,  the  courts  and  lawyers.  The  same  tendency 
is  seen  in  the  Eepublican  demand  for  the  abolition  of 
property  qualifications  for  suffrage,  and  in  such  local 
questions  as  the  election  law  in  Connecticut,  or  the  dis- 
franchisement  of  plantations  in  Massachusetts.  The 
Federalists  are  equally  vigorous  in  the  defense  of  these 
interests. 

The  hostility  toward  the  mercantile  interest  is  appar- 
ent even  before  party  lines  were  clearly  drawn.  An 
address  to  the  people  by  William  Lithgow,  a  candidate 
for  Congress  in  the  Lincoln  district  of  Maine  in  1791, 
gives  an  elaborate  denial  of  an  opponent's  charge  that 
he  is  "in  favor  of  the  mercantile  as  opposed  to  the 
landed  interest "  or  that  he  is  opposed  to  "laying  duties 
on  superfluities  entering  the  United  States. "  It  has 
uniformly  been  his  opinion  that  the  land  tax  ought  never 
to  be  resorted  to  by  Congress  except  in  cases  of  great 
emergency.  There  should  be  no  hindrances  to  agricul- 
ture, "that  energetic  and  primary  support  of  our 
national  government."  The  Republican  opposition  to 
the  funding  system  and  establishment  of  the  national 
bank  needs  no  comment;  their  influence  in  solidifying 
the  party  is  well  known.  The  same  attitude  is  taken 
towards  the  Jay  Treaty,  and  the  Federalists  considered 
it  a  "remarkable  and  undeniable  fact"  that  the  most 
violent  clamors  about  losses  at  sea  and  about  the  treaty, 
came  from  those  who  "had  lost  nothing  and  had  noth- 

9  Col.  Centinel,  May  11,  1791. 


100  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

ing  to  lose."10  The  navy  was  objected  to  as  an  institu- 
tion for  which  people  had  to  pay  while  its  effect  was  to 
make  the  merchants  a  privileged  order.  The  protec- 
tion of  the  carrying  trade  was  intended  to  aggrandize 
a  few.  "To  the  farmer  it  is  of  no  importance  who  car- 
ries his  produce  abroad,  or  who  brings  his  merchan- 
dize."11 The  dependence  of  all  classes  in  New  England 
on  commercial  prosperity  was  not  properly  realized 
until  the  embargo  was  laid.  The  commercial  policy  of 
the  Republicans  was  of  course  the  argument  chiefly 
used  by  the  New  England  Federalists  in  justifying  their 
stubborn  opposition.  On  such  questions  as  the  embargo 
or  the  declaration  of  war  the  clash  of  interests  is  always 
apparent.12  The  "English  influence"  under  which  the 
Federalists  were  supposed  to  be,  was  merely  a  feature 
of  the  same  feeling.  Kendall  noted  the  dependence  of 
large  numbers  on  the  credit  given  by  the  village  store, 
which  in  turn  was  indebted  to  the  merchant  in  the  sea- 
ports, who  had  imported  his  goods  on  credit  allowed  by 
the  English  exporter.18 

10  U.    S.    Chronicle,    July   30,    1795.      The   Ind.    Chronicle,    October    15, 
1795,   mentions   the   fact   that   General   Knox  had   entertained   over   four 
hundred  of  his  fellow  citizens  and  that  principle  had  been  sacrificed  to 
eating  and  drinking.     ' '  The  citizens  who  are  opposed  to  the  treaty  are  not 
able  to  give  entertainment  at  their  'seats.'  " 

11  Am.  Mercury,  August  20,  September  17,  1807.     "  Politics  for  Connec- 
ticut Farmers. ' ' 

12  The  following  is  typical  of  the  despairing  tone  of  the  Federalist  press. 
This  is  part  of  a  comment  on  the  President's  message,  December,  1812. 
"By  this  message,  the  last  ray  of  hope  for  peace  is  extinguished.   .    .    . 
The  merchants'   eye  must  cease  to   linger   on  the   ocean   and   the   gilded 
clouds  which  bound  his  horizon.     He  must  learn  to  consider  the  glaciers 
of  Canada  as  more  splendid  objects  of  contemplation  and  to  console  him- 
self that  the  wreck  of  his  fortunes  may  yet  enable  him  to  establish  his 
children   among   'God's   chosen   people'   in   the   back  regions   of   Virginia, 
Kentucky,  or  Ohio." 

is  Travels,  III,  289.     Cf.  Freeman's  Press  (Montpelier,  Vt.),  September 
8,   1809.     "The  town  of  Boston  controls  the  internal  commerce  of  New 


THE  PARTY  BASIS  101 

In  no  state  is  the  hostility  toward  the  mercantile 
interest  plainer  than  in  Ehode  Island.  The  long  and 
bitter  struggle  over  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  had 
been  between  the  rural  classes  and  the  commercial  inter- 
ests of  Providence.14  Arthur  Fenner  had  been  the 
candidate  of  the  anti-commercial  faction  in  1791, 15  but 
this  did  not  cease  to  be  a  merit.  In  1803  an  address  on 
his  behalf  reads :  ' '  The  high  toned  Federalists  are  those 
who  were  in  a  prosperous  condition  at  the  close  of  the 
Revolution.  .  .  .  Fenner  defended  the  cause  of  the 
farmers  at  this  time,  and  helped  to  shift  the  burden  on 
covetous  and  unrighteous  speculators.  He  has  always 
been  hated  by  the  merchant  class.  "w  Again,  he  had 
rescued  "the  oppressed  farmers  of  1786  from  the  hands 
of  a  merciless  crowd  of  creditors.  .  .  .  There  are  always 
two  parties,  merchants  and  speculators,  honest  farmers 
and  citizens.  "1T  In  1811  there  is  a  savage  Republican 
attack  on  the  Federalist  senatorial  ticket  which  con- 
tained the  names  of  seven  merchants,  and  had  been  made 
out  in  Providence  to  enable  that  city  to  rule  the  state.18 
The  Federalists  deprecated  the  raising  of  issues  between 
the  farmers  and  merchants.19 

The  commercial  centers  were,  with  the  exception  of 
Portsmouth  and  Salem,  strongly  Federalist.  New 
Haven  and  Providence  were  not  once  carried  by  the 
Republicans  between  1800  and  1815.  Newport  was  Fed- 

England.  .  .  .  Every  country  trader  is  indebted  to  the  merchants  of 
Boston  and  the  people  of  the  interior  to  the  country  trader. " 

i*  BATES,  E.  I.  and  Formation  of  Union,  167,  170-172. 

is/bid.,  184. 

is  Providence  Phoenix,  May  28,  1803. 

i?  Ibid.,  June  4. 

is  R.  I.  Republican,  April  20.  Cf.  Hid.,  October  25,  1809.  "The  mer- 
chant has  the  advantage  over  part  of  the  community  whose  poverty  makes 
them  dependent  on  him.  He  trifles  with  their  right  of  suffrage. ' ' 

is  R.  I.  American,  April  5,  1811. 


102  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

eralist  after  1805.20  Boston  voted  for  Gerry  in  1800, 
but  the  Federalists  were  successful  in  every  other  year. 
Portland  was  carried  by  the  Eepublicans  only  once— 
in  1811.21  Boston,  as  the  commercial  center  of  New 
England  and  the  headquarters  of  the  leading  Federal- 
ists, was  always  an  object  of  intense  dislike  to  the 
Eepublicans.  "Freedom  of  election  in  the  metropolis 
is  a  mere  shadow, "  says  one  writer.  "The  influence 
of  monied  Associations,  purse  proud  merchants,  and 
prattling  lawyers  is  such  that  Mechanics  and  Laborers 
do  not  and  cannot  express  their  opinions  even  by  the 
secrecy  of  the  ballot.'"2  The  dislike  was  especially 
strong  in  the  District  of  Maine.  "Will  not  some  able 
pens  be  employed  in  freeing  us  from  a  dependence  on  a 
distant  territory,  whose  capital  seems  devoted  to  cor- 
ruption, degredation  and  ruin?"23 

The  banking  business  was  looked  on  with  great  sus- 
picion by  many  and  the  Eepublican  press  is  filled  with 
attacks  on  such  institutions  as  engines  of  Federalist 
oppression.  The  importance  of  the  banking  question  in 

20  From  examination  of  newspaper  reports  of  elections. 

21  Returns  in  Mass.  Archives. 

22  E.  Argus,  March  2,  1805.     Ibid.,  May  17.     "As  the  leading  opposi- 
tionists are  leaving  their  respective  counties  and  thronging  to  Boston,  in 
order  to  become  presidents  of  Banks  and  Insurance  Companies   ...   it 
will  be  well  to  drop  the  appellation  of  Essex  Junto  hereafter  and  call  these 
movers  of  high  handed  measures  the  Boston  Junto."     In  1799  the  Ind. 
Chronicle,  April  8,  accounted  for  the  Federalism  of  Boston  by  explaining 
that  "National  Bank  Connections,  enemies  of  the  Eevolution,  little  British 
agents,   great   British   residents,   ship   building   interests   and   the  military, 
form  a  phalanx  which  overpowers  the  free  and  independent  citizens. ' '     See 
also  November  22,  1804. 

23  E.  Argus,  June  7,  1804. 

Cf.  ABRAHAM  BISHOP,  Wallingford  Oration,  20.  There  was  no  support 
for  Republicanism  in  great  cities.  "In  all  our  commercial  towns  aris- 
tocracy was  forming  like  a  mighty  cancer  and  its  fibres  were  extending 
into  all  the  interior  country.  Wherever  these  extended,  republicanism 
suffered.  The  corn  merchant,  the  grazier,  the  rich  farmer  were  all  crying 
out,  '  We  have  a  blessed  government,  we  are  all  becoming  rich. '  ' ' 


THE  PARTY  BASIS  103 

New  Hampshire,  where  it  caused  the  formation  of  the 
first  organized  opposition  to  the  Gilman  administration 
is  merely  an  indication  of  the  belief  that  Federalism, 
the  party  of  wealth,  was  determined  to  reduce  competi- 
tion to  a  minimum.  "It  is  well  known  throughout  the 
United  States, "  says  a  Republican  history  of  this  affair, 
"what  use  was  made  of  incorporated  banks  from  1795 
to  1800 — that  persons  called  republicans  could  obtain 
little  or  no  accommodation  from  them — that  they  were 
used  as  a  powerful  instrument  to  awe  the  minds  of  men, 
and  make  them  act  in  conformity  to  the  politics  of 
wealthy  owners  of  capital.'"4 

The  sinister  influence  which  the  bank  exerted  on  the 
voter  was  a  favorite  subject  of  complaint  with  Repub- 
licans; the  influence  of  the  Boston  banks  has  already 
been  mentioned.  ' '  The  lawyers  incorporate  banks,  whose 
influence  over  votes  is  great  beyond  calculation, "  runs 
a  Connecticut  complaint.25  In  Massachusetts  the  Repub- 
lican hostility  led  to  a  demand  for  greater  control  over 
such  institutions  by  the  state — which  the  Federalists 
considered  "an  attempt  to  enlist  the  banking  subject  to 
aid  the  depreciating  cause  of  democracy.  "26  In  Maine 
this  demand  was  put  forward  in  a  series  of  papers 
published  in  the  Eastern  Argus  in  1805.  The  writer, 
who  claims  to  voice  the  sentiments  of  a  Republican, 
complains  of  the  fact  that  the  legislature  spends  most 
of  its  time  granting  charters  to  banks  and  turnpike 
companies.  The  purpose  of  incorporations  was  to  give 
exclusive  privileges  to  Federal  friends  and  "every 
incorporation  for  wealth  and  profit  is  a  bulwark  to  aris- 
tocracy." The  increase  of  corporations  tends  "to  sink 
the  individual  out  of  notice  and  he  loses  his  equal 

24  N.  H.  Gazette,  February  26,  1805. 

25  Am.  Mercury,  February  27,  1806. 

26  Col.  Centinel,  September  6,  1809.     See  also  June  21,  1806. 


104  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

protection.  "27  Most  of  the  banking  corporations  would 
expire  in  1812  and  "incorporations  should  not  be 
renewed  unless  the  proprietors  of  banks  consent  that 
every  officer  of  their  banks  be  appointed  by  the  State 
Government."28  A  year  later  an  address  to  the  Repub- 
licans urges  them  to  send  their  full  quota  of  represen- 
tatives in  order  to  prevent  the  coming  of  the  time  when 
would  be  seen  "your  rivers  blocked  up  with  toll  bridges 
and  your  farms  cut  into  inch  pieces  by  Turnpike  roads, 
and  your  every  privilege  taken  away  by  incorporated 
Federalism."29  The  banking  question  played  an  impor- 
tant part  in  the  election  of  the  Gerry  administration  in 
1811  and  there  the  Republican  doctrine  is  again  evident. 
"The  Republicans  believe  that  in  renewing  the  char- 
ters of  the  banks  the  state  shall  receive  a  proportion  of 
the  profits ;  the  Federalists  say  they  have  all  the  money 
and  that  they  will  continue  to  conduct  the  banking  busi- 
ness for  their  own  benefit  if  the  Federal  towns  will  only 
follow  the  example  of  Boston  and  send  more  represen- 
tatives."30 The  chartering  of  the  so-called  State  Bank 
by  this  administration  was  a  distinctly  Republican 
measure  and  was  the  subject  of  bitter  criticism  by  the 
Federalists.31 

27  E.  Argus,  November  15,  1805. 

28  Ibid.,  December  13.    See  also  November  8,  22,  29,  December  6. 

29  lUd.,  May  2,  1806. 

Cf.  Eesolutions  of  town  of  Tisbury,  1810.  "Whereas  the  Legislature  has 
incorporated  banks  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  a  few  and  allowed  them  to 
circulate  small  notes,  while  forbidding  private  individuals  passing  theirs 
...  we  view  this  as  subversive  of  the  bill  of  rights.  .  .  .  We  consider 
that  no  incorporation  of  men  have  any  title  to  obtain  privileges  distinct 
from  ordinary  individuals.  .  .  .  We  view  the  banking  system  in  all  its 
parts  as  destructive  of  moral  principles."  Quoted  by  E.  Argus,  January 
4,  1810. 

3°  E.  Argus,  May  2,  1811.  James  Sullivan  advocated  that  the  state 
receive  a  share  in  the  banking  business  in  a  pamphlet  which  was  published 
after  his  death.  The  Path  to  Eiches,  Boston,  1809. 

31  tl  The  state  has  a  right  at  any  time  to  be  interested  to  the  amount 


THE  PARTY  BASIS  105 

The  same  Republican  hostility  to  moneyed  interests 
is  apparent  in  Vermont.  "  Their  tendency, "  says  one 
writer  in  discussing  the  advisability  of  chartering  banks, 
"will  be  to  facilitate  the  unequal  distribution  of  prop- 
erty as  will  eventually  eradicate  from  our  country,  the 
very  principles  of  republicanism.  ...  I  have  long  re- 
garded the  banking  system  as  a  federal  project."32 
"Middling  class  farmers  cannot  obtain  money  at  banks, " 
says  another.33  Until  1806  Vermont  was  without  a  bank, 
but  in  this  year  a  prominent  Republican,  Titus  Hutch- 
inson,  secured  the  passage  of  a  bill  establishing  the 
Vermont  State  Bank,  a  purely  governmental  institution, 
its  directors  state  employees,  and  revenues  of  the  state 
pledged  in  place  of  capital  stock.34 

But  the  fact  that  the  Republicans  were  the  party  of 
the  poorer  classes  does  not  appear  alone  in  their  hostility 
to  banks  and  corporations.  There  is  direct  testimony 
on  the  membership  of  the  parties.  Uriah  Tracy,  writ- 
ing to  Oliver  Wolcott  and  describing  the  result  of  the 
spring  election  in  Litchfield,  remarked:  "Kirby  is,  to 

of  one-third  of  the  stock  and  to  appoint  one-third  of  the  directors  and  the 
state  receives  a  handsome  revenue  by  way  of  tax  from  the  bank.  ...  It 
is  the  first  bank  required  to  pay  a  tax  to  the  state.  .  .  .  The  other  banks 
will  be  subject  to  this,  hence  the  Federal  hostility."  Article  on  the  State 
Bank,  Ind.  Chronicle,  August  26,  1811.  Hid.,  April  6,  1812.  "It  [the 
bank]  is  opposed  to  the  great  monied  aristocracy  which  has  monopolized 
all  banking  advantages  for  many  years." 
32Spooner's  Vt.  Journal,  March  6,  1804. 

33  Pol.  Observatory,  January  21,  1804.     See  series  of  articles  on  banks 
quoted  from   Spooner's  Vt.  Journal,  December   24,  31,   1803,  January  7, 
14,  21,  1804. 

34  For  an  interesting  history  of  this  institution  see  H.  S.  DANA,  History 
of  Woodstock,  Vt.,  Boston,  1889,  332  ff.     "The  anti-bankites  averred  that 
all  corporations  were  opposed  to  republican  principles,  being  the  founda- 
tions or  the  relics  of  monarchy,  and  none  more  so  than  banks  and  turn- 
pikes; that  a  money  corporation  would  produce  a  moneyed  influence  and 
this  influence  would  be  excited  in  particular  to  corrupt  elections."     Also 
Records  of  Governor  and  Council,  V,  443-451. 


106  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCEACY 

the  disgrace  of  this  town  again  chosen  deputy,  but  he 
has  no  cause  of  triumph.  I  am  mistaken  if  his  defeat 
is  not  written  in  legible  characters  on  this  day's  pro- 
ceedings; all  the  solid,  respectable  part  of  the  town 
without  any  preconcert  or  intrigue  voted  against  him, 
and  the  third  time  going  around,  he  just  obtained,  by 
the  aid  of  every  rag  tag  who  could  be  mustered,  and  a 
whole  winter  of  intrigue  and  very  expensive  intrigue 
too.  .  .  .  "35  Bentley,  enthusiastic  Republican  though 
he  was,  admitted  that  at  the  election  of  1796  "the  men 
of  property  appeared  chiefly  for  Sumner"  and  that 
"the  democratic  party  were  not  without  men  of  firm 
minds,  but  were  not  qualified  by  education  to  plead  or 
write.  "36  The  opinion  of  the  party  about  its  own  mem- 
bership may  be  worth  quoting.  In  1807  when  the  Repub- 
licans had  elected  their  first  governor  in  Massachusetts, 
the  Philadelphia  Aurora  described  it  as  "a  contest  be- 
tween the  people,  the  farmers,  mechanics,  and  tradesmen 
on  one  side,  and  the  '  natural  aristocracy  of  the  land/  the 
well-born,  the  best  blood  of  the  country,  the  men  above 
the  dull  pursuits  of  civil  life  on  the  other  side."37 
"The  hardy  Yeomanry,  the  tradesmen  and  the  body  of 
militia  are  the  Republican  phalanx, "  says  another 
account.38 

The  intolerable  insolence  of  the  Federalists  toward 
their  opponents  is  a  striking  characteristic  of  the  con- 

35  GIBBS,  Memoirs,  II,  232.    Tracy  to  Wolcott,  April  8,  1799. 

3«  Diary,  II,  176.  Ibid.,  Ill,  77.  Eeferring  to  a  Eepublican  caucus 
on  March  10,  1804.  "They  appear  to  have  union  &  strength.  They  need 
talents,  but  as  they  have  few  public  speakers  they  do  their  business  more 
coolly  &  in  a  shorter  time. "  Cf.  Plumer's  comment  on  the  Portsmouth 
opposition  in  a  letter  to  Jeremiah  Smith,  October  17,  1795.  "The  latter, 
as  to  numbers  are  the  most  numerous,  tho  far  from  being  so  as  it  respects 
talents,  integrity,  &  all  that  is  valuable  in  man. ' '  MSS.,  I,  260. 

sr  Quoted  by  Ind.  Chronicle,  June  8,  1807. 
.,  April  17,  1809. 


THE  PAETY  BASIS  107 

test,  and,  in  a  way,  throws  considerable  light  on  the  real 
party  division.  A  typical  description  of  the  New  Eng- 
land Democrats  occurs  in  the  Connecticut  Courant  of 
April  6, 1803. 

Their  principal  leaders  are  men  desperate  in  fortunes  as 
in  morals.  Adultery,  dissipation  and  debauchery  had  marked 
several  of  them  among  the  outcasts  of  mankind.  ...  A  few 
who  have  acquired  wealth  and  wish  to  gain  office  and  who 
have  been  promised  promotion  .  .  .  some  who  have  been  dis- 
appointed in  ambition  ...  a  few  honest  men  who  have  been 
the  dupes  of  Jacobin  falsehood.  The  residue  is  of  the  dregs 
of  mankind.  Aliens  who  have  fortunately  fled  from  the  whip- 
ping post  and  gallows  in  their  own  country,  and  the  rabble  of 
our  own,  the  slaves  of  vice  and  indigence,  men  easily  led  by 
demagogues. 

Two  years  earlier  the  same  paper  had  described  the 
party  as  composed  of 

a  class  of  people  always  peevish  and  uneasy.  .  .  .  This  faction 
comprehends  all  the  loose  and  infamous  and  desperate  portions 
of  society  .  .  .  the  sons  of  Belial  and  lewd  fellows  of  the  baser 
sort.39 

A  Massachusetts  picture  is  similar : 

The  leaders  of  our  Eastern  Democracy  are  quite  a  distinct 
order  of  men.  They  are  rarely  distinguished  by  education, 
talents,  or  any  description  of  pre-eminent  worth.  Their  electors 
do  not  compose  the  most  respectable  or  substantial  classes  in 
society,  though  among  them  are  to  be  found  many  men  entitled 
to  that  character.  They  are  strong  at  perceiving  distinctions 
which  are  quite  independent  of  universal  suffrage.  Fraught 
with  the  jealousies  and  antipathies  of  vulgar  minds  they  are 
prone  to  suspicion.  These  men  can  never  be  reformed  by  good 
example  or  good  company.  Their  quarrel  is  with  nature  and 
is  eternal.40 

39  February  2,  1801. 

4°  Col.  Centinel,  March  28,  1812.  The  following  anecdote  which  goes 
the  round  of  the  Republican  press  in  1804,  illustrates  the  same  point.  A 


108  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

Such  descriptions  cannot  be  taken  literally  any  more 
than  the  Republican  description  of  Sumner's  sup- 
porters in  1797,  "old  Tories  and  men  strongly  attached 
to  monarchy  and  aristocracy."41  Their  significance  is 
in  showing  a  decided  tendency  to  draw  party  lines 
according  to  social  or  class  lines.  The  Federalist  con- 
tempt for  the  opposing  party  is  that  of  the  educated, 
prosperous,  and  conservative  possessor  of  political 
power,  who  sees  the  encroachments  of  a  different  order 
of  people  which  he  has  regarded  as  not  entitled  to  a  share 
in  such  privileges.  The  Republican  attitude  is  that  of 
the  determined  opponent  of  privilege  who  claims  and 
fights  for  political  recognition.  The  Republicans  were 
the  poorer  part  of  the  population;  their  opponents,  the 
men  of  property,  the  leading  families,  the  lawyers,  the 
clergy,  were  obnoxious  as  the  holders  of  a  monopoly  of 
political  power.  As  has  been  seen  in  a  previous  chapter 
the  great  feature  of  the  Republican  movement  was  the 
increase  in  political  interest  among  the  mass  of  the 
people.  The  huge  accessions  to  the  Republican  party 
between  1800  and  1815  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  pre- 
vious Federalist  predominance  was  due  to  the  absence 
of  an  energetic  opposition,  and  the  success  of  the 
Republicans  came  by  getting  into  action  the  potential 
strength  of  a  great  mass  of  voters  hitherto  quiescent  or 
indifferent.  The  spur  used  was  distinctly  an  appeal  to 
class  jealousy.  Hence  the  Republican  movement  in 

Federalist  and  Republican  meet  and  discuss  the  rapid  increase  of  Republi- 
canism in  New  England.  "But  how  happens  it,"  says  the  Federalist, 
' l  that  the  converts  you  make  to  democracy  are  all  of  the  low,  ragamuffin 
sort  of  people,  who  can  do  no  honor  to  your  cause?"  "Why,  for  a  very 
good  reason,  we  have  nothing  but  federalists  to  make  them  out  of." 
Spooner's  Vt.  Journal,  April  3,  1804. 

The  Col.  Centinel,  January  14,  1801,  gives  in  parallel  columns  the  names 
of  prominent  Federalists  and  Republicans  in  various  professions  and  invites 
the  people  to  compare  their  character  and  general  standing. 

*i  Ind.  Chronicle,  February  2,  1797. 


THE  PARTY  BASIS  109 

New  England  has  a  character  fortunately  unusual  in 
American  politics.  It  was  not  altogether  a  struggle  for 
principle;  the  politician  is  always  in  evidence  with  his 
selfish  projects,42  but  to  the  success  of  this  movement  is 
probably  due  the  breaking  down  of  class  lines  in  subse- 
quent parties. 

Deep  distrust  of  government  by  the  people  was  char- 
acteristic of  the  Federalist.43  The  utterances  of  the 
leading  members  of  the  party  on  this  subject  are  well 
known.  Eepublicanism  stood  for  confidence  in  the 
ability  of  the  people  as  a  whole  to  manage  their  affairs. 
While  Fisher  Ames  wrote,  "  Democracy  is  a  troubled 
spirit,  fated  never  to  rest,  and  whose  dreams,  if  it  sleeps, 
present  only  visions  of  hell,"44  his  brother  declares, 
"Whoever  attempts  to  introduce  a  government  beyond 
the  complete  control  of  the  whole  people  is  accessory 
to  treason  against  all  the  rest  of  mankind!  And  if  he 
succeeds  he  is  a  Traitor  !"45 

42  Kendall  noted  the  cynical  contempt  of  the  politician  for  the  ' '  sover- 
eign people,"   except  when  electioneering.     "In  public  men  talk  to  you 
of  the  wisdom  and  large  information  of  the  American  people; — you  wink 
at  the   imposture,   and   restrain  your  laughter; — they  thank  you   for  the 
complaisance,  and  presently  whisper  in  your  ear — that  the  people  know  no 
more  than  horses.    In  Massachusetts,  an  established  idol  of  the  people,  and 
one  who  had  therefore  talked  much  to  the  people  of  their  wisdom  and  their 
virtue,  made  to  myself  these  serious  assertions:  That  there  is  not  a  spark 
of  public  virtue   in   all  the   whole   commonwealth,   and  that  the  members 
of  the  legislature  assemble  only  for  purposes  of  private  gain, ' '  etc.    Travels, 
III,  228.    See  also  265-266. 

43  Cf.  the  following:  "  'Vox  populi,  vox  Dei'  is  an  apothegm,  that  has 
gone  hand  in  hand  with  destruction.   .    .    .  Yet  this  is  the  wandering  star, 
which  rules  and  guides  the  destiny  of  our  nation.    The  people  are  an  ocean, 
that  ever  ebbs  and  flows;  easily  moved  by  every  breath  which  curls  upon 
the  surface.     The  two  great  engines,  by  which  they  may  always  be  agitated 
are   the   thirst    for   riches   and   the    dread   of    domination."     An   Oratiooi 
pronounced  at  Northampton,  July  4,  1805,  by  Isaac  C.  Bates.    Northampton, 
1805.    Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Library. 

44  Works,  I,  337. 

46  Diary,    April    11,    1806.      Cf.    Providence    Phoenix,    June    22,    1802. 


110  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

The  Federalist  party  had  its  chief  strength,  as  has 
been  mentioned,  in  the  people  of  property,  the  lawyers 
and  educated  classes,  and  the  clergy.  The  clergy  and 
the  religious  question  in  general  in  this  period  form  a 
subject  of  such  importance  as  to  need  a  separate  con- 
sideration. The  Eepublicans  recognized  this  union 
among  their  opponents.  "  Lawyers,  merchants,  and 
clergymen  are  laboring  in  support  of  patriotic  princi- 
ples," says  a  sarcastic  writer  in  Rhode  Island.46  "In 
Connecticut,  Federalism  is  strongly  fortified.  It  has 
secured  in  its  interests  the  college,  the  clergy,  the  bar, 
the  monied  institutions,  the  religious  and  literary  socie- 
ties and  most  of  the  presses.  It  has  complete  annual 
control  over  the  military  and  judiciary  department.  "47 
The  same  seems  to  be  true  of  the  other  states.48  "The 
Federalists  in  this  state  have  long  considered  the  pos- 
session of  office  as  a  vested  right,"  remarks  one  Massa- 
chusetts orator.49 

The  rousing  of  popular  feeling  against  the  dominance 
of  this  regime  was  the  work  of  the  Republicans  and  the 

"Republican  Creed"  by  "Leather  Breeches  Weaver. "  "1.  The  people 
have  a  right  to  adopt  their  own  form  of  government.  2.  To  appoint  their 
own  rulers.  ...  3.  Never  do  anything  in  government  that  will  impair  the 
rights  of  a  portion  of  the  citizens,  for  the  express  purpose  of  aggrandizing 
others,  lest  it  open  a  door  for  tyrrany  to  walk  in  at." 

46  B.  I.  Republican,  October  25,  1809.    "Patriot." 

47  Am.  Mercury,  August  29,  1806.     In  regard  to  Federalist  influence  on 
the  press,  note  Ames'  description  of  the  Dedham  paper,  "wholly  dictated 
by  F.  A.  to  smother  political  enquiry  and  make  public  servants  Lords." 
Diary,  October  11,  J796. 

48  STORY,  Life  and  Works  of  Joseph  Story,  96.     ' « The  preponderance 
of  wealth,  rank,  talent,  and  civil  and  literary  character  of  the  state  were 
with  the  Federalists."    The  Vt.  Republican,  February  13,  1809,  states  that 
in  Windsor  County  there  were  seventeen  Federal  lawyers,  and  five  Republi- 
can,   twenty -four    Federal   merchants    and   nine    Republican.      These   were 
"leaders  in  electioneering"  for  the  Federalists. 

49  An  Oration  Pronounced  at  Charlestown,  Mass.,  July  4,  1811.    Anon. 
Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Library. 


THE  PARTY  BASIS  111 

invoking  of  social  prejudice  is  constantly  evident. 
"They  are  to  govern,  you  are  to  be  governed.  They 
are  well  born,  you  are  base  born,"  was  the  bur- 
den of  Abraham  Bishop 's  invective  against  the  Connec- 
ticut "aristocrats."50  In  1798  an  address  to  the  Con- 
necticut voters  warns  them  that  there  are  two  classes 
of  people,  the  mechanics  and  farmers,  who  produce 
goods  for  the  community,  and  others  "living  by  cun- 
ning"— merchants,  speculators,  priests,  lawyers,  and 
government  employees.  "Particularly  in  New  England 
we  have  confided  government  too  much  to  this  class  of 
citizens."  "Why  are  things  so  managed  that  there  are 
not  ordinarily  more  than  1600  votes  given  for  a  member 
of  Congress  in  Connecticut?  .  .  .  They  dread  your 
uncorrupted  hearts;  in  them  they  yet  behold  the  awful 
image  of  republicanism.  They  wish  to  avoid  election, 
they  choose  representatives  from  the  state  at  large  so 
you  may  not  know  for  whom  you  vote  and  not  be  inter- 
ested enough  to  attend  elections.  .  .  .  Is  it  not  mock- 
ery, to  call  that  a  government  of  the  people?"51  "How 
often,"  says  a  Eepublican  orator,  "are  sentiments 
advanced  which  disgrace  the  American  name — 'the 
common  people  have  nothing  to  do  with  politics;  there 
are  men  who  are  bred  to  the  business/  How  often  do 
they  observe  'that  such  a  man  is  a  mechanic  or  a  com- 
mon laborer — how  should  he  know  about  these  matters; 
it  takes  a  great  deal  of  hard  study  and  learning  to  make 
a  lawyer,  and  in  addition  to  these  a  vast  deal  more  to 
qualify  a  man  for  a  politician.  These  men  therefore  had 
better  attend  to  the  plow  and  hoe.'  "52 

so  Origin  and  Progress  of  Political  Delusion,  29. 

silnd.  Chronicle,  April  13,  1798.     Quoted  from  Middlesex  Gazette. 

52  Republicanism  and  Aristocracy  contrasted ;  or,  the  Steady  Habits 
of  Connecticut  inconsistent  with  and  opposed  to  the  Principles  of  the 
American  Revolution,  exhibited  in  an  Oration  delivered  at  New  London, 


112  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

The  same  appeal  to  social  feeling  is  evident  in  such 
an  address  as  the  following : 

Has  not  the  legislative  majority  of  judges  and  justices  pro- 
vided by  law  that  the  poor  man  who  trudged  on  foot  his  weary 
pilgrimage  through  life  should  do  the  same  quantity  of  l^abor 
on  the  public  roads  as  the  rich  man ;  while  the  justice,  or  judge, 
the  Clergyman  and  Physician  who  encumbered  the  highways 
with  his  wagons,  six  cattle  team  and  pleasure  carriage  should 
have  no  part  of  the  burthen?  .  .  .  They  possess  more  than  the 
average  amount  of  property  to  defend.  Where  will  you  find 
a  law  by  which  your  law  making  justices  have  enrolled  them- 
selves in  the  militia?  .  .  .  Rulers  become  jealous  of  their  sub- 
jects; enquiry  is  branded  with  the  opprobious  term  of  licen- 
tiousness, reform  is  styled  innovation,  the  desire  of  civil  liberty 
enmity  to  order,  and  the  love  of  religious  liberty  is  stigmatized 
with  the  name  of  infidelity.53 

The  Republicans  directed  their  attack  against  those 
local  leaders  who  had  apparently  possessed  political 
control  in  many  towns.  Abraham  Bishop  assailed  as 
one  of  the  serious  obstacles  in  the  way  of  Republican 
success  "the  family  alliances,  producing  patriarchs  in 
opinion  and  the  too  general  habit  of  whole  towns  com- 
mitting to  a  few  individuals  the  power  to  dictate  to 
them  opinions  on  all  subjects.  .  .  .  The  houses  of  York 

Conn.,  July  4,  1804,  by  Christopher  Manwaring.  Norwich,  Conn.,  1804. 
Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Library. 

Cf.  Am.  Mercury,  March  26,  1807.  "  There  was  a  time  in  this  country 
when  God  had  created  all  men  equal  and  had  given  to  each  man  certain 
unalienable  rights;  but  the  new  creation  of  federalism  has  thrown  into 
confusion  the  first  creation.  ...  It  has  created  four  or  five  hundred  gentle- 
men having  entire  right  to  rule  and  reign. " 

53  Am.  Mercury,  April  3,  1802.    < '  Hancock. '  > 

The  Federalists  deeply  resented  the  Republican  uprising.  A  reply  to 
Bishop's  oration  on  Political  Delusion  carries  this  motto,  " Likewise  these 
filthy  dreamers  despise  dominion  and  speak  evil  of  dignities.'7  Three 
Letters  to  Abraham  Bishop,  Esq.,  by  Connecticutensis,  New  Haven,  1800. 


THE  PAETY  BASIS  113 

and  Lancaster  are  united  in  most  of  our  towns/'54 
"The  political  faith  and  practice  of  each  country  town 
depend  in  a  great  measure  on  that  of  three  characters, ' ' 
says  a  writer  in  the  Eastern  Argus.  These  were  the 
minister,  the  lawyer,  and  physician.  The  first  two  pro- 
fessions were  almost  entirely  monopolized  by  the  Fed- 
eralists ;  the  writer  of  the  above  asserts  that  the  doctors 
were  generally  "the  friends  of  freemen/'55  A  Connec- 
ticut writer  on  the  contrary  states  that  "since  federal- 
ism took  up  its  abode  in  our  happy  state,  the  Clergy, 
Physicians  and  the  Lawyers  have  united  harmoniously 
together,  a  band  of  pious  brethren  and  true  Chris- 
tians."56 The  use  of  printed  nomination  lists  was 
defended  by  the  Eepublicans  on  the  ground  that  under 
the  existing  system  nominations  in  freemen's  meeting 
were  made  by  one  or  two  persons  and  "the  personal 
influence  of  the  nominator"  was  often  an  overwhelming 
influence.  In  some  towns  it  was  said,  "at  the  call  of 
each  name  a  significant  wink,  nod,  or  shake  of  the  head 
is  made  by  some  dictator  of  the  meeting."57  A  Repub- 
lican sketch  of  a  Federalist  caucus  puts  the  following 
words  in  the  mouth  of  a  speaker:  "Mr.  President,  I 

s*  Wallingf ord  Oration,  March  4,  1801,  p.  17.  Cf.  Ames'  Diary,  Decem- 
ber 30,  1802:  "The  parish,  that  is  F.  Ames  and  Dr.  Bullard."  .  .  . 

55  E.  Argus,  December  2,  1803.     A  number  of  prominent  Massachusetts 
Eepublicans   were  physicians,   Jarvis,   Eustis,   Kittredge,   Nathaniel   Ames, 
Kilham. 

Nathaniel  Ames  in  his  diary,  November  4,  1796,  writes,  "The  Prigarchy 
straining  every  nerve  to  carry  election."  Was  the  "Prigarchy"  this  local 
clique? 

56  Am.    Mercury,    June    20,    1805.      Cf.    Gideon    Granger    to    Jefferson, 
October  18,  1800,  stating  that  there  were  "at  least  four  hundred  men  of 
public  education  and  prospects  for  four  or  five  of  us  to  contend  with.  .    .    . 
I  have  long  labored  to  rally  the  Physicians  &  Dissenting  Clergy  who  are 
generally  friends  of  equal  liberty."     Jefferson  Papers,  2d  Series,  XXXVI, 
No.  27. 

57  Am.  Mercury,  September  11,  1800. 


114  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

have  very  particular  reasons  against  the  dissemination 
of  Republican  principles  in  my  town,  where  I  now  exer- 
cise a  sort  of  aristocratic  sway.  An  English  nobleman 
cannot  have  greater  influence  in  his  borough  than  I  have 
in  our  town  meetings.  I  direct  the  people  for  whom 
and  for  what  to  vote  on  all  occasions/'58 

The  Connecticut  Election  Law  of  1801  has  been 
referred  to  in  another  connection.  One  clause  in  the  act 
required  the  voter  to  stand  up  when  stating  his  vote, 
hence  the  law  was  generally  known  as  the  "Stand-up 
Law."  The  fact  that  this  was  a  Federalist  measure 
and  the  character  of  the  protests  against  it  show  the 
essential  difference  in  the  parties  and  the  nature  of  the 
struggle.  The  Republican  minority  at  the  passage  of 
the  law  had  filed  a  protest  which  states  that  "under  the 
old  law  every  freeman  could  vote  by  ballot  in  secret. 
Undue  influence  of  authority  and  office,  of  hard  and 
tyrannical  creditors,  of  oppressive  landlords,  of  preva- 
lence of  public  sentiment,  and  the  chords  of  affection  or 
connection  derived  from  friendship,  blood  or  union  in 
business  was  prevented  and  checked.  By  the  present 
law  these  are  brought  into  operation."59 

The  lawyer  was  always  under  Republican  disfavor. 
I  Kendall  noted  the  alliance  between  the  storekeeper  and 
the  lawyer.60  The  latter  made  a  decent  living  by  col- 
lecting the  debts  due  the  former,  the  fees  on  small 
amounts  being  always  high.  The  lawyer  usually  com- 
bined politics  with  his  other  business  and  in  very  many 
instances  represented  the  town  in  the  legislature,  con- 
stituting what  Dr.  Ames  styled  the  "pettifogging  inter- 

68  Nat  1  Aegis,  October  3,  1804. 

69  This  minority  protest  appears  in  full  in  Am.  Mercury,  November  5, 
1801.     An  attempt  was  made  to  repeal  this  law  in  1808.     The  debate  on 
the  proposed  repeal  appearing  in  Am.  Mercury,  June  9. 

eo  Travels,  III,  34. 


THE  PAETY  BASIS  115 

est."61  None  of  the  "privileged  orders"  were  sub- 
jected to  more  savage  attack.  "A  lawyer  in  every 
man's  mess  here,  nothing  will  go  with  Fools  without  a 
Lawyer,  but  from  good  company  they  are  excluded!  or 
if  they  get  in  they  spoil  it,"  writes  Ames.62  But  the 
distrust  of  the  lawyers  was  more  than  personal  preju- 
dice. The  fact  that  they  constituted  a  strong  faction 
in  legislatures  was  believed  to  be  an  interference  with 
the  separation  of  powers.  "Will  we  not  see — will  not 
the  people  yet  be  convinced  that  their  all,  their  salva- 
tion depends  on  a  frequent  change  of  legislatures  going 
fresh  with  the  feelings  of  the  people  to  make  the  laws, 
not  as  intriguers  to  bit  and  gag  them,  then  to  mount  and 
ride  them.  The  making  Lawyers  legislators  seems  to 
defeat  the  grand  principle  of  keeping  the  legislative 
department  separate  from  the  Judiciary  and  where 
these  two  or  any  two  of  the  three  departments  of  Gov- 
ernment are  confided  to  the  same  hands,  though  the 
forms  under  the  real  sovereignty  of  the  people  are  pre- 
served to  amuse  them  the  substance  is  gone."63 

The  fact  that  a  majority  of  the  Federal  candidates  for 
office  were  lawyers  furnished  campaign  arguments  for 
their  opponents.  In  1795  the  voters  were  urged  to 
defeat  Samuel  Dexter,  one  of  the  leading  members  of 
the  Massachusetts  bar,  and  representative  of  the  Middle- 
sex district.  Nine  lawyers  from  one  state  were  said 
to  be  sufficient;  his  opponent,  Joseph  Varnum,  was  a 
farmer  and  there  had  "never  been  a  real  farmer  in 
Congress  from  this  state."64  The  defeat  of  Dexter  was 

si  Diary,  February  28,  1806. 

Cf.  ibid.,  April  3,  1803.  "  Washington,  dupe  of  the  Order  of  Lawyers 
while  he  was  alive  renounced  them  after  he  was  dead — I  will  not  do  so.  I 
will  renounce  them  now  I  am  alive  and  leave  them  to  their  luck  after.'' 

62  ma.,  April  3,  1802. 

63  Ibid.,  February  8,  1799. 

e*  Ind.  Chronicle,  March  19,  1795. 


116  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

one  of  the  first  important  Republican  victories  in  Mas- 
sachusetts. In  spite  of  Republican  opposition  to  the 
merchants,  the  latter  was  preferable  to  the  lawyer.  In 
Maine,  in  1810,  three  Republican  candidates  for  Congress, 
Cutts,  Widgery,  and  Tallman,  were  held  up  to  the  voters 
as  the  "commercial  and  agricultural  ticket  opposed  to 
aristocratic  lawyers."65  "Do  you  wish  to  avoid  the 
barbarous  principles  of  the  laws  of  England,  and  have 
a  Lord  Bacon  or  a  Camden  who  lived  a  hundred  years 
ago  decide  your  case  by  precedents  having  no  relation 
to  your  cause?  .  .  .  Do  you  wish  to  avoid  an  additional 
list  of  attorneys,  pettifoggers  and  litigators?  .  .  .  then 
vote  for  the  Farmer's  Republican  Ticket. "66  This  is 
the  language  of  a  Vermont  address.  In  New  Hampshire 
the  Federalist  ticket  in  1814 — styled  by  themselves  the 
"American  Peace  Ticket " — is  called  "five  sharks  of 
the  green  bag."67  Among  the  names  of  the  "sharks" 
appears  that  of  Daniel  Webster.  In  Connecticut  the 
feeling  against  the  lawyers  was  particularly  bitter. 
Bishop  inveighed  against  them,68  and  hardly  a  number 
of  the  American  Mercury  is  free  from  attacks  similar  to 
the  above. 

There  were  not  many  Republican  lawyers,  but  the 
party,  especially  in  Massachusetts,  was  taunted  with 
inconsistency  in  supporting  such  men  as  James  Sullivan 
or  Levi  Lincoln.69  There  were  misgivings,  however, 
among  Republicans  for  having  to  do  so,  and  after  Sulli- 
es E.  Argus,  October  25,  November  1. 

6«  Green  Mountain  Farmer  (Bennington),  September  4,  1809. 
er  N.  H.  Patriot,  July  19,  1814. 

68  Political  Delusion,  83. 

69  Portsmouth  Oracle,  April  18,  1807.     ' '  Next  to  our  Connecticut  patri- 
ots,  the   antifederalists    of    Massachusetts    are    supposed    to    be    the   most 
implacable  foes  of  lawyers  which  New  England  can  produce."     The  writer 
then  remarks  that  the  Eepublican  candidate  for  governor  and  leaders  in 
the  legislature  were  lawyers. 


THE  PARTY  BASIS  117 

van's  death  Bentley  writes,  "Nothing  was  objected  to 
him  seriously,  but  what  belonged  to  his  habits  as  a  law- 
yer, &  of  this  character  the  people  are  the  most  jealous 
as  it  is  the  only  one  to  which  the  people  of  this  country 
generally  attribute  habitual  dishonesty. ' "° 

The  distrust  of  the  lawyers  extended  also  to  the 
courts.  Judge  Chase  was  not  the  only  judge  who  was 
believed  to  be  using  the  bench  for  political  purposes. 
The  courts  in  the  New  England  states  at  this  time  were 
not  well  organized  and  there  are  continual  complaints  in 
the  press  about  the  delay  and  expense  of  litigation.71 
But  these  were  minor  grievances  compared  with  the 
belief  that  the  judges  were  influenced  by  party  feeling. 
Judge  Dana  of  Massachusetts  was  accused  in  1796  of 
censuring  in  a  charge  to  the  Plymouth  grand  jury  all 
opponents  of  the  Federal  administration  and  stigmatiz- 
ing Republican  papers  as  "organs  of  calumny  and  sedi- 
tion, "  and  in  other  addresses  was  said  to  have  repro- 
bated the  Democratic  societies.72  An  article  addressed 
to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  same  state  in  1803 
warns  them:  "No  Republican  has  a  seat  on  your  bench 
or  is  admitted  to  a  participation  in  your  judicial  con- 
sultations. .  .  .  Notwithstanding  the  boasted  independ- 
ence of  the  Judiciary  you  are  not  exalted  above  respon- 
sibility but  are  answerable  at  least  at  the  bar  of  public 
opinion."73  The  distrust  and  dislike  for  the  courts  was 
apparent  in  the  opposition  to  increasing  the  salaries  of 
the  judges.  "While  Young  Adams  is  working  into 

TO  Diary,  III,  401. 

7ilnd.  Chronicle,  November  2,  1809,  states  that  complaint  is  general 
throughout  New  England.  ' '  The  laws  are  made  by  the  whole  people  and 
the  expenses  are  paid  by  them.  It  is  therefore  a  hard  case  that  they 
should  become  the  sole  property  of  the  lawyers  to  be  sold  to  the  people 
at  whatever  extravagant  price  they  may  see  proper  to  put  upon  them." 

72  Hid.,  June  2,  1796. 

73lnd.  Chronicle,  February  14,  1803.    "Amicus  Curias." 


118  ^         JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCBACY 

political  favor, "  writes  Bentley  in  1808,  "  young  Story 
of  the  Law  in  this  town  is  working  out.  As  soon  as  he 
reached  as  far  as  the  public  favor  could  carry  him,  the 
House  of  Representatives — he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
opposition  &  dared  to  come  forward  with  a  project  of 
salaries  for  the  Judges  which  the  opposition  could  not 
in  the  days  of  their  glory  obtain.  .  .  .  He  dared  still  to 
venture  &  the  next  time  came  with  three  bills  of  Judica- 
ture. "" 

In  Connecticut  the  appointment  of  the  judges  by  the 
legislature  where  there  was  always  a  Federal  majority 
led  to  charges  of  party  influence  and  unfairness.75  In 
the  other  states  there  is  less  evidence  of  feeling  against 
the  judges,  although  Vermont  in  1808  approved  an 
amendment  making  United  States  judges  removable  on 
address  by  Congress.76  The  reorganization  of  the  New 
Hampshire  courts  in  1814  by  a  Federalist  legislature 
created  considerable  excitement  for  a  short  time  but  the 
changes  remained  permanent.77 

But  the  most  interesting  and  characteristic  feature  of 
this  part  of  the  Eepublican  movement  is  the  demand  for 
greater  responsibility  to  the  people,  and  this  after  all 
is  its  most  important  phase.  The  following  is  a  typical 
expression  of  this  feeling: 

The  independence  and  infallibility  of  the  judiciary,  is  now 
the  last  recourse  and  stronghold  of  Tory  federalism  .  .  .  the 
people  are  called  upon  to  determine  whether  or  how  long  they 
are  to  submit  to  the  disposition  of  an  independent  judiciary 

74  Diary,  III,  346.     Of.   MORISON,  Jeremiah   Smith,   247-248.     Smith's 
unpopularity  was  due  in  part  to  his  recommending  an  increase  in  judges' 
salaries. 

75  Am.  Mercury,  February  27,  1806.     "Judges  and  justices  are  glorious 
retailers  of  the  will  of  their  makers.     They  serve  as  committees  to  drag  up 
voters. ' ' 

76  Kecords  of  Governor  and  Council,  V,  418,  419. 

77  MORISON,  Jeremiah  Smith,  265-277.    PLUMER,  Plumer,  412-414. 


THE  PAETY  BASIS  119 

in  the  hands  of  the  Federalists,  combined  with  the  shameful 
uncertainty  of  the  law.78 

And  again : 

The  Federalists  call  the  attempt  to  reform  the  Judiciary  dis- 
organizing ...  to  render  the  Judges  responsible,  agreeable  to 
the  constitution,  is  styled  "hunting  the  Judges."  Anything 
relating  to  the  judiciary  is  considered  by  the  federalists  as 
trespassing  on  sacred  ground,  as  if  judges  and  lawyers  were 
possessed  of  as  much  infallibility  as  the  pope  and  the  Catholic 
hierarchy.  Within  the  United  States  there  is  as  much  pains 
taken  to  render  the  judges  independent  of  every  control  as  in 
Spain  and  Algiers  to  make  His  Holiness  and  Mohammet  supe- 
rior to  every  check  from  their  ignorant  proselytes.79 

Another  interesting  demand  appears  at  this  time,  that 
judges  should  be  elective.80  John  Leland  of  Berkshire, 
one  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  New  England  Repub- 
licans, although  he  was  notable  chiefly  as  a  leader  in 
the  movement  for  religious  liberty,  laid  down  the  prin- 
ciples of  this  doctrine  in  1805. 

78  Ind.  Chronicle,  February  22,  1808. 

79  Ibid.,  February  18,  1808.    Cf .  BENTLEY,  Diary,  III,  387.    < '  The  truth 
is  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Law  are  determined  to  put  in  force  their  Judiciary 
Bill  which  puts  the  court  more  in  the  power  of  the  Judges.     Thus  in  the 
General  Government  &  in  the  States  every  attempt  to  maintain  a  Legislature 
independent  of  the  Judiciary  is  frustrated. ' ' 

Also,  Ind.  Chronicle,  September  22,  1808.  "The  great  object  contem- 
plated by  the  Federalists  is  to  make  the  judiciary  the  permanent  branch 
of  government — that  all  laws  should  be  subject  to  the  control  of  the 
judges — that  the  Legislature  should  be  subordinate  to  the  control  of  the 
Judiciary.  .  .  .  What  section  of  the  constitution  gives  the  judges  a  right 
to  decide  on  the  constitutionality  of  the  laws?  .  .  .  The  right  assumed  by 
the  judges  to  set  aside  the  laws  is  nowhere  recognized  in  the  constitution,'7 
etc. 

so  Col.  Centinel,  July  12,  1806,  quotes  a  Eepublican  Fourth  of  July 
toast  at  Lynn  and  comments  on  its  dangerous  principles.  ' '  The  Judiciary — 
Periodical  election  of  Judges,  the  best  pledge  of  their  good  behavior;  may 
this  mode  of  appointment  become  constitutional  in  state  and  nation." 


120  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

The  election  of  all  officers,  to  fill  all  parts  of  the  govern- 
ment, is  the  natural  genius  that  presides  over  the  United  States, 
and  if  my  conviction  is  just,  there  will  be  spasms  and  com- 
motions in  the  states  until  such  an  amendment  takes  place. 
...  If  men  are  incompetent  to  elect  their  judges,  they  are 
equally  incompetent  to  appoint  others  to  do  it  for  them.  .  .  . 
But,  tho'  the  people  have  this  Judiciary  check  against  the 
usurpations  of  the  Legislature,  what  check  have  they  against 
the  usurpation  of  the  Judiciary?  When  Judges  set  up  their 
opinion  on  the  constitution  in  opposition  to  the  legislature, 
and  in  opposition  to  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  who  can 
check  them?  The  people  cannot,  for  they  have  no  direct 
voice  in  setting  them  up  or  taking  them  down.  The  Legis- 
lature cannot,  except  by  impeachment,  which  in  such  cases 
would  be  no  more  than  a  whistle.  The  executive  cannot  for 
they  hold  their  office  by  a  tenure  which  the  executive  cannot 
destroy.  .  .  .  My  age  authorizes  me  to  say  that  the  leading 
doctrine  of  the  American  Revolution  has  been  that  responsi- 
bility was  the  best  expedient  to  keep  men  honest.  And  why 
this  maxim  should  be  inverted  in  the  Judiciary  establishment 
alone  I  never  could  see.  .  .  .  The  judges  would  not  only  feel 
the  importance  of  judicial  officers,  but  also  the  salutary  obli- 
gation to  be  men.  A  judicial  monarch  is  a  character  as  abhor- 
rent as  an  executive  or  legislative  monarch  in  my  view.81 

The  frequent  prosecution  of  Eepublicans  for  libel 
and  other  political  offenses  was  a  source  of  irritation.82 
The  famous  Austin  tragedy  in  Boston,  which  grew  out 

«i  An  Elective  Judiciary,  with  other  things  recommended  in  a  Speech, 
pronounced  at  Cheshire,  July  4,  1805.  By  John  Leland,  Pittsfield,  1805. 
Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Library.  Leland  in  the  course  of  his  speech  also  attacks 
f '  the  host  of  lawyers  who  infest  our  land  like  the  swarms  of  locusts  in 
Egypt,  and  eat  up  every  green  thing." 

82  GREENE,  Religious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  403,  437.  Am.  Mercury,  January 
30,  1806.  "Both  parties  in  the  State  have  an  idea  that  our  Courts  lean 
in  their  decisions  towards  federalism,  and  that  a  republican  cannot  be  tried 
by  his  peers." 

Cf.  BENTLEY,  Diary,  III,  30.  "The  Eepublicans  should  not  try  Courts 
of  Justice  so  called  unnecessarily. ' ' 


THE  PARTY  BASIS  121 

of  the  political  struggle  in  that  city,  gave  further  aggra- 
vation to  the  Eepublican  belief  that  they  were  regarded 
as  an  inferior  class  by  their  opponents  and  not  entitled 
to  the  ordinary  rights  of  citizens.83  "By  federal  man- 
agement, treason,  murder,  sedition  and  libel  have 
dwindled,  either  into  simple  misdemeanors,  or  justifiable 
exercises  of  the  liberty  of  action  and  freedom  of  speech ; 
provided  the  perpetrators  are  federal  and  the  objects  of 
their  attempts  republican."84 

With  such  feeling  as  the  animus  of  the  Eepublican 
movement,  it  was  inevitable  that  any  restrictions  on  the 
right  of  suffrage  should  arouse  opposition.  If  there 
was  a  demand  for  wider  popular  control  of  the  govern- 
ment, by  a  party  generally  opposed  to  propertied  inter- 
ests, it  was  intolerable  that  large  numbers  of  citizens 
should  be  deprived  of  voting  because  of  property  quali- 
fications. The  party  doctrines  on  this  matter  further 
illustrate  their  essential  differences. 

Vermont  had  no  property  qualification.  New  Hamp- 
shire allowed  every  person  to  vote  who  paid  a  tax, 
however  small,  or  did  militia  duty.85  The  rapid  growth 
of  the  Eepublican  party  in  these  states  may  have  been 
influenced  by  this  fact.  In  the  three  southern  New 
England  states,  property  qualifications  existed.  In 
Connecticut  the  opposition  to  the  system  was  strenu- 
ous, and  the  radical  character  of  Eepublicanism  in  this 
state  was  early  exhibited  in  a  movement  for  the  aboli- 

83AMORY,  Sullivan,  II,  163-189,  gives  a  full  account  of  this  affair. 
Selfridge,  a  prominent  Federalist  lawyer,  shot  and  killed  Chas.  Austin,  son 
of  Benj.  Austin,  a  Eepublican  pamphleteer  and  political  writer.  He  was 
acquitted  after  a  trial  before  Justice  Parsons,  in  which  the  leading  Feder- 
alist legal  talent  appeared  in  his  defense. 

s*  Ind.  Chronicle,  February  22,  1808. 

85  Cf .  BENTLEY,  Diary,  III,  415.  ' '  New  Hampshire  makes  every  soldier 
a  voter,  &  residents  two  years  in  U.  S.  A.  This  is  the  true  spirit  of 
elections. ' ' 


122  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCEACY 

tion  of  this  requirement.  A  special  incentive  was  fur- 
nished by  the  belief  that  under  the  Election  Law  of  1801 
the  Federalists  were  regularly  refusing  admission  to 
those  justly  entitled  to  vote.86  The  demand  for  univer- 
sal suffrage  accompanied  that  for  a  new  constitution 
and  carried  dismay  to  the  upholders  of  the  old  order.87 
At  the  fall  session  of  the  legislature  a  bill  was  intro- 
duced by  a  Republican  member,  extending  the  right  to 
vote  to  all  citizens  of  the  state  whom  the  selectmen  and 
civil  authority  of  the  town  should  certify  to  be  "of  good 
moral  character  and  peaceable  behavior/'88 

The  debate  on  this  measure  is  an  admirable  illustra- 
tion of  a  fundamental  difference  in  the  parties.  The 
author  of  the  bill  explained  its  purpose  and  argued  that 
persons  paying  taxes  should  have  a  voice  in  the  gov- 
ernment as  a  mere  matter  of  justice.  The  speeches  of 
Noah  Webster  and  Ephraim  Kirby,  the  latter  a  promi- 
nent Eepublican  and  candidate  for  governor,  are  of 
chief  interest.  The  admission  of  too  many  people  to 
the  right  of  suffrage,  who  had  no  settled  habitation,  and 
nothing  which  could  induce  them  to  wish  for  the  peace 
of  the  state,  had  been  the  ruin  of  all  popular  govern- 
ment. "We  had  better  adhere  to  the  regulations  of 
our  ancestors."  To  Kirby 's  rejoinder  that  the  admis- 
sion of  freemen  would  still  depend  on  the  consent  of 

86  Am.  Mercury,  October  25,  November  1,  8,  1804,  May  16,  1805. 

87  Conn.  Courant,  April  6,  1803.     "We  also  know  that  our  clergy  and 
our  religion  are  denounced  by  our  own  Democrats  in  terms  of  blasphemy. 
A  State  Constitution  is  boldly  called  for,  universal  suffrage  is  claimed  as  a 
natural  right.     Paine  and  his  writings  are  extolled  above  the  Saviour  and 
his  gospel. "     "Federal  Freeman/'     See  also  February  16,  23,  March  2. 

88  This  bill  and  the  accompanying  debate  were  published  in  Am,  Mer- 
cury, December  2,  1802.     The  subject  had  already  been  discussed  in  the 
press.    Cf.  the  following,  ibid.,  September  16.    "Virginia  disfranchises  the 
poor  black  man.     Connecticut  disfranchises  the  poor  white  man.     Virginia 
does  not  rail  at  Connecticut  for  saying  her  blacks  are  treated  like  cattle. 
Connecticut  rails  at  Virginia  for  saying  her  poor  are  treated  like  blacks." 


THE  PARTY  BASIS  123 

town  authorities,  and  that  besides,  every  member  had 
more  valuable  rights  for  which  he  claimed  protection 
than  those  of  property,  he  replied  that  the  bill  in  ques- 
tion prostrated  the  wealth  of  individuals  "to  the  rapa- 
ciousness  of  a  merciless  gang  who  have  nothing  to  lose. 
It  opens  the  door  for  electioneering,  for  men  of  no 
property  are  liable  to  influence/'  The  avenues  must 
not  be  opened,  for  the  number  of  persons  without  prop- 
erty was  certain  to  increase,  while  the  observation  that 
the  poor  have  lives,  limbs,  and  reputation  to  be  protected 
does  not  apply.  "Our  laws  principally  respect  prop- 
erty; that  is  their  great  object;  and  it  is  very  improper 
that  it  should  be  at  the  direction  and  disposal  of  those 
who  have  no  interest  in  it."  The  bill  was  defeated  but 
the  subject  was  constantly  discussed  in  succeeding  years. 
In  1806  the  Republican  side  of  the  argument  was 
again  laid  before  the  state  in  a  series  of  papers  on 
1 '  Universal  Suffrage, ' '  some  extracts  of  which  are  worth 
quoting. 

Could  the  poor  of  this  pious  state  rise  up  in  judgment  against 
the  rich  and  have  some  other  Court  than  a  Court  of  the  rich  to 
try  the  cause  they  would  soon  be  admitted  to  some  portion  of 
political  being.  The  poor  could  plead  that  they  have  fought 
and  bled  for  their  country,  that  some  of  them  have  been  plun- 
dered by  the  rich  of  seven  years'  hard  earnings,  that  they  are 
now  paying  taxes  and  doing  duty  in  the  militia;  but  the  reply 
of  the  rich  would  be,  "We  have  suffered  you  to  live  and  have 
protected  you  from  your  worst  enemies,  yourselves."89 

Property,  sacred  property,  is  regarded  as  all  in  all,  by  our 
federal  politicians,  and  a  want  of  it  implies  according  to  their 
catechism,  a  want  of  sense,  of  industry,  of  morals,  and  religion ; 
yet  the  Savior  of  the  world  and  his  disciples  probably  did  not 
possess  as  much  of  this  world's  goods  as  would  entitle  one 
man  to  be  made  free  in  Connecticut.  It  is  astonishing  that 

ss  Am.  Mercury,  January  2,  1806. 


124  JEFFEBSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

among  people  professing  as  much  religion  as  the  Federalists 
do,  property  should  be  placed  over  everything  else.90 

And  again  : 

The  great  alarm  about  this  is,  lest  the  poor  should  gain  the 
advantage  of  the  rich  ;  but  all  the  laws  in  the  world  were  never 
able  to  give  the  poor  one  tenth  of  their  rights.91 

In  Massachusetts  the  subject  does  not  appear  to  have 
attracted  much  attention  ,  before  1809.92  In  this  year 
the  Gore  administration  passed  a  law  raising  the  require- 
ments of  the  law  of  March  23,  1786,  adding  to  the 
required  payment  of  poll  tax  and  an  amount  equal  to 
two  thirds  thereof,  a  sum  equal  to  a  poll  tax.93  The  new 
requirement  was  regarded  as  a  blow  to  the  Republicans 
as  the  protests  show. 

Nothing  but  the  full  exercise  and  fruition  of  suffrage  can 
make  a  man  rationally  and  politically  free.  .  .  .  The  language 
of  a  majority  of  our  general  court  is,  —  Thou  poor!  thy  hal- 
lowed right  of  suffrage  is  taken  from  thee  and  given  to  others; 
this  hook  we  are  pleased  to  put  into  thy  nose,  and  this  bridle 
into  thy  jaws.  .  .  .  Notwithstanding  the  hard  times  and  the 
difficulty  of  collecting  taxes  —  notwithstanding  other  states  are 
lowering  the  suffrage  —  notwithstanding  popular  approval  of 
the  old  law  —  still  our  elective  franchise  must  be  contracted  and 


td.,  January  9. 

si  Ibid.,  January  16,  See  also  January  23.  For  a  similar  attack  on  the 
Federalist  theory  that  power  should  follow  property,  see  N.  H.  Gazette, 
September  18,  1804. 

»2  In  1804,  when  the  Massachusetts  legislature  was  discussing  the  pro- 
posed amendment  to  the  U.  S.  constitution  to  abolish  slave  representa- 
tion, the  Ind.  Chronicle,  August  23,  1804,  states  that  there  were  27,000 
men  in  Massachusetts  not  entitled  to  vote  because  of  the  property  quali- 
fications, and  l  '  according  to  the  new  freak  of  Federalism  ought  to  be 
excluded  from  the  census  on  which  representation  is  founded.  .  .  .  the 
constitution  ought  to  be  amended  so  as  to  exclude  them." 

93  General  Laws,  209,  1809,  chap.  26  (repealed  chap.  40). 


THE  PARTY  BASIS  125 

mutilated;  a  new  law  must  be  worked  into  being  to  wrest  from 
poorer  people  one  of  their  most  essential  immunities.94 

The  election  of  the  Gerry  administration  changed  the 
situation  and  one  of  the  most  noteworthy  acts  of  that 
active  administration  was  the  passage,  June  18,  1811, 
of  a  universal  suffrage  law.95  "They  have  extended  the 
right  of  suffrage  in  the  choice  of  town  officers  to  all 
persons  (except  paupers)  of  twenty-one  years  of  age 
and  upwards,  who  shall  have  resided  a  year  in  any 
town,  and  in  all  other  town  affairs  to  any  person  paying 
a  poll  tax;  thereby  taking  away  the  pecuniary  qualifi- 
cations which  have  been  required  since  the  year  1692, 
and  giving  to  every  transient  person,  without  property, 
character,  or  any  fixed  place  of  abode,  the  right  of  voting 
away  the  property  of  his  neighbor  in  town  affairs  in 
which  he  has  no  permanent  interest  or  concern. >m 
This  is  the  language  of  a  Federalist  convention;  the 
Eepublicans  defended  the  measure  as  a  mere  act  of 
common  justice  to  a  large  class  of  citizens  "many  of 
whom  had  assisted  in  the  establishment  of  independ- 
ence."97 In  Rhode  Island  there  was  a  movement  under 
way  in  1811  to  repeal  the  property  qualification.  "The 
right  to  vote  is  a  natural  property,  any  person  who 
would  require  property  of  another  kind  is  guilty  of 
oppression. "  "Every  person  doing  road  work,  paying 
taxes  or  doing  militia  duty  should  vote."98  In  March  a 

»4  E.  Argus,  January  18,  1810.     "  Republican. " 

ss  General  Laws,  278,  1811,  chap.  9. 

96  Col.  Centinel,  March  21,  1812.  Eesolutions  of  Southern  Senatorial 
District. 

Cf.  ibid.,  July  31,  1812.  "As  equally  subversive  of  our  civil  institutions 
we  deprecate  the  principles  of  universal  suffrage  uncontrolled  by  such 
restraints  as  are  imposed  by  the  spirit  of  the  constitution. " 

»7  Ind.  Chronicle,  March  19,  1812.  Eesolutions  of  Norfolk  County  Con- 
vention. 

98  E.  I.  Eepublican,  February  21,  1811.  "Eepublican  Fanner's  Eeso- 
lutions." See  also  March  6,  for  article  by  "Freeman." 


126  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

bill  granting  this  demand  passed  the  Senate  with  only 
two  dissenting  votes  but  the  House  postponed  it  for 
further  consideration,"  and  the  outbreak  of  war  and  the 
depression  of  Republican  strength  for  the  next  few  years 
caused  the  subject  to  be  dropped. 

*  The  Federalist  opposition  to  the  demands  for  a  more 
democratic  administration  was  not  unnatural.  The 
state  governments  had  apparently  been  conducted  with 
honesty  and  efficiency.  To  be  sure,  they  showed  an 
irritating  confidence  that  no  other  party  could  conduct 
a  government  with  the  same  qualities.100  Two  incidents 
in  Massachusetts  seemed  to  lend  color  to  this  belief. 
The  first  Republican  state  treasurer,  ex-Congressman 
Skinner,  was  alleged  to  have  looted  the  treasury  of 
$60,000  during  his  brief  term  of  office.101  Two  years 
later  another  prominent  Republican,  Barnabas  Bidwell, 
was  forced  to  leave  the  state  because  of  defalcations 
while  treasurer  of  Berkshire.  "Such  are  your  idols, 
0  Democracy!"  exclaimed  the  Centinel.  The  deep 
aversion  with  which  the  Federalists  regarded  Pennsyl- 
vania where  the  Republicans  had  early  secured  control 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  New  England  was  on  a 
decidedly  higher  plane  politically,102  and  perhaps  helps 

as  Ibid.,  March  13. 

100  Naive  expressions  of  Federalist  opinion  occur  in  the  following.     Col. 
Centinel,  November  13,  1805.     "It  is  believed  that  Federalism  is  increas- 
ing in  Rhode  Island,  for  encouragement  is  given  to  Public  Schools,  new 
houses  of  public  worship  are  building;    new  roads   are  opening,   and  the 
industry  and  commerce  of  the  state  is  reviving.  > ' 

Ibid.,  May  3,  1806.  "The  Ehode  Island  democrats  are  more  careful 
for  the  preservation  of  their  money  than  their  liberties. ' '  They  had  elected 
a  Federalist  state  treasurer.  The  Vermont  "  democrats "  were  said  to  have 
taken  similar  precautions  in  1804.  See  Pol.  Observatory,  November  3. 

101  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  182. 

102  Portsmouth  Oracle,  February  27,  1802.     "Mifflin  prepared  the  way 
for  McKean  and  both  were  harbingers  of  the  great  Jefferson.   .    .    .   Mr. 
Jefferson    is   busily   engaged    in   restoring   harmony   to   social   intercourse. 
After  we  have  had  the  benefit  of  his  labors  another  year  we  shall  be  pre- 


THE  PAETY  BASIS  127 

to  account  for  the  dread  with  which  they  viewed  "the 
impending  rule  of  democracy — more  tyrannous  and  more 
cruel  than  Egyptian  bondage.  "103 

The  statistics  which  have  been  given  elsewhere  form 
a  sufficient  proof  of  the  success  of  the  Eepublican  propa- 
ganda. What  Bentley  wrote  of  Salem  in  1806  would 
doubtless  be  true  of  many  other  towns  had  they  had  such 
an  industrious  chronicler  to  record  the  fact.  "While 
Salem  was  under  the  greatest  Aristocracy  in  New  Eng- 
land few  men  thought  &  the  few  directed  the  many.  Now 
the  Aristocracy  is  gone  &  the  many  govern.  It  is  plain 
it  must  require  considerable  time  to  give  common  knowl- 
edge to  the  people.  "104 

pared  for  the  political  millenium  which  now  reigns  in  the  city  of  New 
York  and  the  state  of  Pennsylvania."  Of.  GIBBS,  Memoirs,  II,  399. 
"McKean's  administration  has  brought  every  scoundrel  who  can  read  or 
write  into  office,  or  expectation  of  one,  and  the  residue  of  Democrats,  with 
the  joy  and  ferocity  of  the  damned,  are  enjoying  the  mortification  of  the 
few  honest  men  and  Federalists,  and  exalting  their  own  hopes  of  prefer- 
ment, and  that  of  their  friends,  in  proportion  as  they  dismiss  the  fear  of 
the  gallows."  Tracy  to  Wolcott,  August  7,  1799.  Also,  Conn.  Courant, 
April  8,  1807,  points  to  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  for  "  examples  of 
Democratic  government. ' ' 

103  Col.  Centinel,  August  11,  1804. 

104  Diary,  III,  265,  December  2,  1806.     Cf.  Ind.  Chronicle,  February  2, 
1804.     In  reference  to  New  Hampshire  a  writer  states:   "The  resolution 
which  called  the  Democratic  power  into  action  has  repressed  aristocratic 
spirit.     The  honors  and  emoluments  of  office  are  more  generally  diffused, 
the  people  enjoy  more  equal  privileges  and  after  long  dissensions  are  better 
united. ' ' 


CHAPTER  VII 
REPUBLICANISM  AND  RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY 

In  1805  Alexander  Wolcott,  the  so-called  state  man- 
ager of  the  Connecticut  Republicans,  in  a  circular  letter 
to  his  local  henchmen  warned  them  that  the  privileged 
orders  were  numerous  and  powerful,  and  described 
"the  standing  army  of  federalism "  as  composed  of  the 
clergy,  lawyers,  physicians,  judges,  justices  and  mili- 
tary officers.1  The  clergy,  it  is  to  be  noticed,  are  given 
first  place  in  this  arrangement.  Perhaps — to  continue 
Wolcott 's  figure — they  might  be  considered  as  the  heavy 
artillery  of  the  standing  army.  They  underwent  the 
same  attack  which  the  Republicans  directed  against  the 
lawyers,  judges,  and  propertied  classes,  and  from  the 
importance  of  their  position  in  New  England  society 
this  phase  of  the  Republican  movement  is  of  special 
interest. 

The  Congregational  Church  was  one  of  the  funda- 
mental institutions  of  New  England.  The  social  and 
political  life  of  the  towns  centered  around  the  church, 
and  the  ministers  had  been,  from  the  earliest  settlement 
of  the  country,  the  leaders  in  public  affairs.  "In  the 
settlement  of  no  other  country,"  remarks  one  writer, 
"perhaps  that  of  Canaan  excepted,  was  religion  so  much 
the  object  as  in  New  England."2  The  uniformity  of 
religious  belief  until  almost  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 

1  This  circular  appears  in  Am.  Mercury,  March,  20,  1806,  and  contains 
an  interesting  summary  of  political  conditions  and  Eepublican  plans  of 
campaign. 

2  Ind.  Chronicle,  July  4,  1799. 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  129 

century  was  one  of  the  causes  of  New  England's  peculiar 
solidarity.  The  political  affiliations  of  the  clergy  were 
bound  to  be  a  subject  of  vital  importance  as  soon  as  a 
well-defined  party  system  should  develop. 

There  was  not  much  doubt  as  to  which  party  the 
clergy  would  support.  They  had  been  energetic  sup- 
porters of  the  Revolution,  although  the  Republicans 
afterwards  made  the  charge  that  their  attitude  was  due 
rather  to  the  fear  of  an  Episcopal  Establishment  under 
royal  protection,  than  to  any  love  for  the  principles  of 
the  great  struggle.3  In  the  dark  years  which  followed 
the  close  of  the  war  they  had  proved  firm  friends  of 
law  and  order  and  had  thrown  their  influence  on  the  side 
of  the  government  during  the  Shays  Rebellion.4  They 
were  as  a  rule  strongly  in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  the 
Federal  Constitution.  With  the  rise  of  party  in  1792 
the  clergy,  almost  from  the  first,  tended  to  act  with  the 
Federalists.  The  sympathy  of  the  Republicans  for 
Revolutionary  France  was  a  factor  in  determining  the 
attitude  of  the  clergy.  French  influence  was  blamed  for 
the  undoubted  increase  of  irreligion  which  had  been 
alarming  the  churches  since  the  end  of  the  Revolution.5 

a  Ibid.,  September  2,  1805.  Quoted  from  Pol.  Observatory.  < « The  Con- 
gregational churches  in  this  country  had  been  democracies  and  they  were 
urgently  opposed  to  the  attempts  before  made  to  establish  episcopalian 
churches,  because  they  proceeded  from  the  king.  .  .  .  Yet  democracy  did 
not  sit  easy  on  all  the  Congregational  clergy  after  the  Eevolution:  the 
danger  of  Episcopalian  churches  being  established  with  precedency,  was 
then  taken  away  and  the  Congregationalists  had  a  clear  precedence  in  the 
state. "  Cf.  "The  Deceptive  Arts  of  Demagogues,"  Am.  Mercury, 
December  27,  1804.  "The  writer  says  that  700  Clergymen  were  Whigs 
in  the  last  war.  We  say  that  500  are  now  Tories.  .  .  .  They  and  their 
boys  could  not  be  supreme,  if  King  George  was  supreme  and  the  Episcopal 
Clergy  received  stipends  from  England." 

*  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  95.  See  also  "A  Defense  of  the  Clergy 
of  New  England,"  Col.  Centinel,  January  5,  1805. 

s  GREENE,  Eeligious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  408-410.  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in 
Mass.,  88-115. 


130  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

By  1795  their  position  was  well  established  as  the  lead- 
ing Federalist  influence,  and  for  the  next  twenty  years 
there  was  an  intimate  relation  between  religion  and 
politics  throughout  New  England. 

The  value  of  clerical  support  to  the  Federalists  was 
generally  recognized  among  their  opponents.  "An  old 
Tory  openly  asserted  in  this  town  [Boston]  that  the 
aristocratic  party  could  never  gain  an  interest  in 
America  until  they  enlisted  the  clergy  on  their  side/' 
says  a  writer  in  1795.6  Again,  a  few  years  later,  another 
remarks  in  the  Pittsfield  Sun,  the  Republican  organ  of 
western  Massachusetts:  "May  kingly  government 
never  get  footing  here.  I  am  sure  it  never  will  without 
the  aid  of  Clergymen.  May  civil  and  religious  intoler- 
ance never  flourish  here,  I  know  they  will  not  without 
the  culture  of  the  Clergy.'"  Still  another,  "It  is  a 
conspicuous  fact  that  they  have  done  more  to  stop  prog- 
ress of  republican  light  than  any  other  class  of  men."8 
Jefferson,  undoubtedly  the  shrewdest  political  observer 
of  the  day,  recognized  their  influence,  and  to  its  absence 
in  Rhode  Island  he  attributed  the  early  "regeneration" 
of  that  state.9  Writing  to  Pierpont  Edwards  of  con- 
ditions in  Connecticut  he  remarked:  "Their  steady 
habits  exclude  the  advances  of  information  and  they 
seem  exactly  where  they  were  when  they  separated 
from  the  saints  of  Oliver  Cromwell.  And  there  your 
clergy  will  always  keep  them  if  they  can. ' no 

e  Ind.  Chronicle,  October  5,  1795.    See  also  July  20. 

Ibid.,  January  14,  1805.  "There  was  always  in  New  England  a  respect- 
able opposition  to  federal  principles,  and  nothing  less  than  a  combination 
of  monied  men  and  priests  prevented  the  downfall  of  those  principles  in 
that  quarter  long  since. ' ' 

7  Quoted  by  Am.  Mercury,  January  14,  1805. 

s  Hid.,  December  27,  1804. 

»  FORD,  Jefferson  Writings,  VIII,  48. 

10  Ibid.,  75.    Jefferson  to  Edwards,  July  21,  1801. 

Cf.  ibid.,  41.     Jefferson  to  Gerry,  March  29,  1801.     "Your  part  of  the 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  131 

The  political  sermon,  especially  that  delivered  on 
Fast  and  Thanksgiving  Days,  was  a  powerful  weapon 
in  the  hands  of  the  clergy.  A  vast  number  of  these 
addresses  has  come  down  to  us;  they  are  characterized 
by  almost  uniform  pessimism  and  narrowness  of  view. 
Jefferson  was  the  object  of  a  great  deal  of  abuse.11  His 
well-known  liberality  in  religious  views  and  his  fondness 
for  French  literature  and  philosophy  made  him  an 
object  of  suspicion.  He  also  made  no  attempt  to  con- 
ceal his  dislike  for  the  privileged  position  of  the  New 
England  church,  and  always  considered  his  work  in 
breaking  down  the  Episcopal  Establishment  in  his  own 
state  as  one  of  his  greatest  services  to  mankind.12 

The  union  of  politics  and  religion  always  appeared 
at  the  annual  inauguration  ceremonies.  Here  were 
preached  the  election  sermons  which  the  irreverent 
Abraham  Bishop  described  as  having  "a  little  of  gov- 
ernor, a  little  of  council,  a  little  of  congress,  much  of 
puffing,  much  of  politics  and  a  very  little  religion — a 

Union  tho'  as  absolutely  republican  as  ours,  had  drunk  deeper  of  the 
delusion,  and  is  therefore  slower  in  recovering  from  it.  The  aegis  of 
government,  and  the  temples  of  religion  and  justice,  have  all  been  pros- 
tituted there,  to  toll  us  back  to  the  times  when  we  burnt  witches. ' ' 

11  ADAMS,  U.  S.,  I,  80-82.    Cf.  BENTLEY,  Diary,  III,  208.    "The  political 
conduct  of  the  clergy  is  no  where  so  insolent  as  in  Connecticut.     In  that 
state  a  Southington  pastor  at  Branford,  scrupled  not  to  call  the  President, 
a  debauchee,  an  infidel,  and  a  Liar.    But  these  excesses  are  less  worthy  of 
notice  when  the  reputation  of  the  inferior  Clergy  is  known. ' '    Such  sermons 
were   sometimes   used   as   campaign    documents.     Ibid.,   II,    423,   April   3, 
1802.     ' '  The  last  day  of  asking,  &  political  interests  were  never  so  seri- 
ously   engaged    among   us.      Emmons'    Fast    Sermon    describing    Jefferson 
under  the  odious  name  of  Jeroboam,  was  distributed  gratis.     The  Eepubli- 
cans  had  no  aid  in  this  way,  except  what  an  extract  from  Dr.  Maclintock's 
letter  in  the  Eegister  could  afford  them.'7     Copies  of  this  "Jeroboam" 
sermon  are  in  Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Library. 

12  Writing  to  Levi  Lincoln,  January  1,  1802,  and  enclosing  an  address 
to  the  Baptists,  Jefferson  states:    "I  know  it  will  give  great  offense  to 
the   New  England  Clergy;    but  the  advocate  of  religious   freedom  is  to 
expect  neither  peace  nor  forgiveness  from  them." 


132  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

strange  compost,  like  a  carrot  pye,  having  so  little  of 
the  ingredients  of  the  vegetable,  that  the  cook  must 
christen  it."18  A  Republican  summary  of  the  election 
sermon  of  1804  at  Hartford  is  interesting.  "We  godly 
ministers  who  are  hand  and  glove  with  the  men  in 
power,  are  vastly  holy  men;  we  understand  all  God's 
purposes  in  respect  to  the  political  as  well  as  the  moral 
concerns  of  this  world,  and  we  know  Mr.  Jefferson  is 
in  office  contrary  to  the  divine  will,  or  as  a  punishment 
for  the  sins  of  this  people,  and  we  know  that  God  took 
great  delight  in  Mr.  Adams  and  his  navy  and  army 
and  taxes,  and  that  he  suffered  him  to  go  out  of  office 
to  punish  us  for  our  rebellion,  and  we  know  that  he  will 
finally  raise  up  Pinckney,  or  King,  or  Hamilton,  or  some 
other  friend  of  Zion,  and  the  Clergy,  to  be  at  the  head 
of  us,  and  we  shall  yet  be  a  great  and  holy  nation."14 
To  one  who  has  read  some  of  these  addresses  this  will 
not  seem  an  unfair  description. 

The  vast  majority  of  the  Congregational  clergy  were 
Federalists,  although  two,  Allen  of  Pittsfield  and  Bent- 
ley  of  Salem,  were  prominent  Republicans.  There  were 
some  minor  exceptions.  Bradford  of  Rowley  had 
preached  a  violent  tirade  against  Washington's  admin- 
istration in  1795  and  had  in  consequence  been  ostra- 
cized by  his  clerical  brethren.15  Stanley  Griswold  in 
Connecticut  was  practically  forced  from  the  ministry 

is  Wallingford  Oration,  45. 

14  Am.  Mercury,  June  14,  1804. 

is  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  134.  Of.  BENTLEY,  Diary,  II,  129, 
February  25,  1795.  "Subscriptions  about  for  the  sermon  preached  on  the 
last  Thanksgiving  by  Dr.  Bernard  of  this  Town.  ...  It  is  said  that  Brad- 
ford of  Rowley  has  given  one  of  pure  democracy,  that  several  will  be 
printed  in  Boston  &  that  a  counterpart  is  wanted.  .  .  .  The  Clergy  are 
now  the  tools  of  the  Federalists  and  Thanksgiving  Sermons  are  in  the  order 
of  the  Day."  Ibid.,  156.  "Bradford  of  Eowley,  has  suffered  much  from 
his  antifederal  sermon.  The  Association  have  disapproved  of  it,  &  have 
received  some  acknowledgment." 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  133 

and  became  editor  of  a  Republican  newspaper,  the 
Political  Observatory,  at  Walpole,  N.  H.16 

Bentley  quotes  as  evidence  of  "the  persecuting  spirit 
which  has  troubled  the  political  wo  rid, "  one  of  the  Fed- 
eralist toasts  at  a  Fourth  of  July  celebration  at  Salem. 
"The  Clergy,  a  chearing  Luminary  whose  grateful  influ- 
ence is  not  to  be  impaired  by  the  few  spots  which  par- 
tially obscure  it."17  He  himself  was  one  of  the 
"  spots. " 

The  attitude  of  the  clergy  could  not  but  arouse  the 
bitterest  opposition  among  Republicans.  The  party 
stood  for  a  wider  freedom;  the  domineering  tone  of  the 
clergy  forced  them  to  take  the  offensive,  and  from  1794 
on,  the  Republicans  were  the  champions  of  religious 
freedom  and  the  enemies  of  clerical  privilege.18  Dr. 
Morse,  one  of  the  leading  Federalist  preachers  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, had  described  the  clergy  of  Connecticut  as 
those  who  "numerous,  able,  harmonious,  and  very 
respectable  as  a  body,  have  hitherto  preserved  a  kind 
of  aristocratical  balance  in  the  very  democratical  gov- 
ernment of  the  state.  This  has  happily  operated  as  a 
check  upon  the  overbearing  spirit  of  democracy. m9 
This  description  was  generally  applied  by  the  Republi- 
cans to  the  order  throughout  New  England.  "  Aristoc- 
racy "  was  a  word  which  would  stir  the  wrath  of  every 
Republican;  to  have  the  clergy  openly  so  called  by  one 
of  their  own  number  was  a  challenge  which  was  readily 
accepted.20  The  effect  on  the  position  of  the  clergy  was 

w  Portsmouth  Oracle,  July  21,  1804,  has  an  attack  on  this  paper  and  its 
editor. 

i7Diary,  III,  170.  The  Portsmouth  Oracle,  March  19,  1814,  speaks  of 
Bentley  as  ' '  the  Archbishop  of  Democracy  in  New  England. ' ' 

is  Cf.  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  129. 

19  Universal  Geography,  4th  ed.,  435. 

20  Bentley  records  a  characteristic  incident,  which  shows  the  aggressive- 
ness of  the  New  England  parson,  who  was  never  noted  for  meekness  and 


134  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

bound  to  be  serious  and  Bentley  writes  in  1795  express- 
ing his  fear  that  the  rash  zeal  with  which  the  clergy  had 
gone  into  the  political  controversy  would  have  evil 
results.  The  French  clergy  had  suffered  severely  from 
their  failure  to  " continue  with  the  people."21  As  he 
anticipated,  the  New  England  clergy  soon  began  to  pay 
the  penalty  for  a  similar  failure. 

The  Republicans,  especially  in  Boston,  had  begun  to 
attack  the  political  activities  of  the  clergy  at  the  time 
of  the  Jay  Treaty  excitement,  and  for  several  years 
scarcely  a  number  of  the  Independent  Chronicle  is  free 
from  letters  or  other  articles  assailing  them.22  Repub- 
licanism in  this  way  probably  came  to  be  associated  in 
many  minds  with  enmity  to  religion.  The  members  of 
the  party  deeply  resented  the  conduct  of  the  ministers. 
Dr.  Ames  writes  on  one  occasion:  " Proclamation  for 
political  fast  through  U.  S.  many  People  provoked 
thereat.  The  People  of  Dorchester  it  is  said  intend  to 
work  on  high  ways  that  day  25  inst.  others  say  they'll 
take  no  notice  of  it,  but  curiosity  to  hear  the  political 

long-suffering.  Diary,  II,  272.  June  24,  1798.  "I  tarried  &  spent  the 
Sunday  at  Marlborough.  ...  In  this  town  french  influence  has  prevailed, 
tho'  now  abating.  On  the  national  fast,  an  English  Flag  was  displayed  on 
the  Parson's  Barn.  His  discretion  has  not  been  seen  in  political  discus- 
sions. .  .  .  " 

21  Diary,  II,  130.     Cf.  266.     "Arts  are  used  to  engage  the  Clergy  in 
the  English  interest.     The  french  friends  were  said  to  dispose  their  talents 
as  usually  below  mediocrity.     But  the  Clergy  will  not  be  supported  in 
Republics  by  public  favour  only  for  State  purposes  &  if  a  few  insinuations 
are  to  decide  them,  they  will  have  them  plentifully  from  the  party  they 
abandon. ' ' 

22  For  examples  of  such  attacks  see  July  20,  23,  1795,  June  24,  Decem- 
ber 6,  31,  1798,  April  18,  October  28,  1799.     See  September  22,  1800,  a 
letter  from  ' '  Philanthropes ' '  objecting  to  this  policy.    ' '  Very  few  numbers 
of  the  Chronicle  have  been  free  from  abuse  of  the  clergy  and  their  fol- 
lowers, since  Osgood  preached  his  sermon  so  obnoxious  to  exclusive  patriots 
and  Republicans. "    This  famous  sermon  was  preached  November  20,  1794. 
See  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  126. 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  135 

Drum  draws  people  against  their  intention.  ...  At 
Charlestown  half  the  people  left  the  meeting,  one  tell- 
ing the  minister,  Morse,  there  was  no  truth  in  what  he 
said."23  With  such  a  feeling  prevalent,  many  of  the 
leading  Republicans  became  open  enemies  of  the  church, 
and  their  newspapers  conducted  a  campaign  against  it. 
In  Connecticut,  Bishop,  perhaps  the  cleverest  of  the 
Republican  orators  and  pamphleteers,  took  delight  in 
baiting  "the  old  firm  of  Moses  and  Aaron."24  Levi 
Lincoln  also  became  a  dangerous  foe,  his  position  as  a 
member  of  the  Cabinet,  drawing  special  attention  to  his 
words.25 

The  stand  which  the  Republicans  took  in  opposition 
to  clerical  influence  insured  them  the  support  of  a  grow- 
ing body  in  New  England,  the  minor  dissenting  sects. 
There  was  a  marked  increase  in  these  bodies,  especially 
the  Baptist,  during  and  after  the  Revolutionary  War.26 
The  religious  condition  of  New  England  after  the  war 
was  far  from  satisfactory,  and  the  desire  to  combat 

23  Diary,  April  10,  1799. 

24  An  oration  in  honor  of  the  election  of  President  Jefferson  and  the 
peaceable   acquisition  of  Louisiana,   delivered  at  the  national  festival  in 
Hartford,  on  the  eleventh  of  May,  1804,  20.     See  also  17,  18,  23. 

25  Letters  to  the  People,  By  a  Farmer.    Salem,  1802. 

Cf.  BENTLEY,  Diary,  II,  407.  "A  most  serious  Dispute  has  been 
opened  in  the  Gazette  in  regard  to  the  Clergy.  The  clergy  had  so  plainly 
spoken  &  written  upon  the  subject  of  the  present  administration,  that  a 
writer  said  to  be  the  Attorney  General  of  the  U.  S.  under  the  signature  of 
a  'Farmer,'  in  his  10  numbers  has  openly  attacked  them.  The  blow  is 
serious,  &  the  more  the  Clergy  &  their  friends  attempt  to  defend  themselves, 
the  more  severe  are  the  strokes  upon  them.  This  subject  never  was  so  freely 
handled  in  New  England  &  never  did  the  Clergy  suffer  a  more  serious 
diminution  of  their  influence  &  of  their  power." 

For  interesting  attacks  on  the  clergy,  see  also  Am.  Mercury,  January  21, 
1803,  for  quotation  from  Pittsfield  Sun.  Also  N.  H.  Gazette,  February  22, 
1803. 

26BURRAGE,  History  of  the  Baptists  in  New  England,  101.  "The 
struggle  fostered  the  spirit  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  and  so  opened  the 
way  for  the  reception  of  Baptist  principles. ' ' 


136  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

the  influence  of  French  philosophy  led  all  denomina- 
tions to  engage  in  aggressive  religious  work.27  In  1789 
Jesse  Lee  began  to  preach  Methodism  in  Connecticut 
and  within  the  next  few  years  the  denomination  ap- 
peared in  all  parts  of  New  England.28  The  formation 
of  new  religious  parties  was  almost  as  disturbing  to 
existing  New  England  life  as  that  of  political  parties. 
In  1794  a  writer  makes  a  long  complaint  against  the 
conduct  of  the  Methodists  and  "  their  impudence  in 
breaking  into  other  men's  enclosures, "  their  extrava- 
gance and  noise,  and  "  their  practice  of  travelling  in 
droves  and  companies  on  the  Sabbath  day,  trampling 
upon  all  law  and  order  and  disturbing  serious  people 
under  pretense  of  liberty  of  conscience.  "29  The  Baptist 
and  Methodist  preachers  who  labored  in  New  England 
in  these  years  were  subject  to  constant  annoyance, 
amounting  at  times  to  persecution.30 

The  latter  years  of  the  eighteenth  and  the  first  years 
of  the  nineteenth  century  were  marked  by  extensive 
revivals,  in  which  the  Baptists  and  Methodists  made 
great  gains.31  Such  events  were  common  in  the  newer 
settlements  and  here  the  strength  of  these  denomina- 
tions was  marked.32  Timothy  Dwight  noted,  while 
traveling  in  New  Hampshire,  that  religious  difficulties 
and  divisions  were  very  common  in  new  settlements 

zr  GREENE,  Eeligious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  414-415. 

28  STEVENS,  Memorials  of  the  Introduction  of  Methodism  into  the  East- 
ern States,  45  ff . 

29  Am.  Mercury,  September  22. 

so  BURRAGE,  History  of  Baptists,  119.     STEVENS,  Memorials,  68,  95,  135. 

si  GREENE,  Eeligious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  415. 

32  For  accounts  of  revivals  at  Wethersfield,  Vt.,  Spooner  's  Vt.  Journal, 
November  27,  1804.  Norton,  Mass.,  July  23.  In  Maine  E.  Argus,  August 
9,  September  30,  1804.  These  give  interesting  descriptions  of  the  scenes 
at  camp  meetings,  resembling  those  enacted  in  Kentucky  a  short  time 
before.  See  also  Col.  Centinel,  August  1,  1804,  for  accounts  from  Vermont. 
An  account  of  the  great  revivals  of  1798-1799  appears  in  the  following 


EELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  137 

where  "the  planters  coming  together  more  by  casualty 
than  by  design,  bring  with  them  all  their  former  habits 
of  thinking.  Their  religious  principles,  their  views  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  and  their  scheme  of  morals, 
must,  of  course,  be  various.  "33  Vermont  and  the  Dis- 
trict of  Maine  were  filled  with  such  people.  Thomas 
Bobbins  on  a  missionary  tour  of  the  Onion  River  settle- 
ments in  Vermont,  writes  in  1799 :  ' l  People  in  this  State 
do  not  appear  to  be  so  much  infected  with  infidelity,  as 
erroneous  views  in  religion.  The  Methodists  have  a 
pretty  strong  hold  at  [list  of  towns],  but  not  much  at 
the  northward  of  these  places.  The  disorganizing  prin- 
ciples of  the  Baptists  do  considerable  damage."34 
Another  Congregational  missionary  in  Maine,  after 
uncomplimentary  reference  to  the  Baptists,  writes  in 
1800,  "Want  of  learning,  religion,  and  love  of  order 
suffers  the  people  of  Maine  to  be  imposed  on  by  quacks 
in  divinity,  politics  and  physic.  "35 

Bentley  gives  an  interesting  record  of  events  in  the 
religious  world  during  these  years.  His  viewpoint  is 
that  of  a  liberal  Congregationalist  and  a  Republican. 
In  1803  he  writes:  "The  Baptists  are  a  growing  sect, 
because  their  rite  is  so  definite  as  to  make  a  more  easy 
distinction  in  the  public  mind,  than  any  doctrines  can, 
and  this  distinction  gains  a  ready  exemption  from  parish 
taxes.  The  Baptists  grow  not  rapidly  in  great  Towns, 
where  such  exceptions  are  unnecessary. ' m  A  year  later : 

pamphlet:  A  brief  Account  of  the  late  Eevivals  in  Eeligion,  in  a  number  of 
towns  in  the  New  England  States,  and  also  in  Nova  Scotia.  Windsor,  Vt., 
1800.  Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Library.  Most  of  this  work  describes  events  in 
Maine  and  Vermont. 

33  Travels,  II,  88. 

34  Diary  of  Thomas  Bobbins,  D.  D.,  I,  90. 

35  Memoir  and  Journals  of  Eev.  Paul  Coffin,  D.  D.,  Collections  of  the 
Maine  Historical  Society,  IV,  404. 

36  Diary,  III,  4. 


138  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

"On  the  subject  of  Consociation  of  Churches  noth- 
ing was  ripened  into  a  plan.  .  .  .  The  truth  seems  to  be 
the  influx  of  Methodists  &  Baptists  has  disturbed  all 
the  Clergy.  These  sects  have  an  evident  co-operation 
not  assisted  by  the  laws  but  by  their  condition  in  the 
minority. "3T  In  1805:  "Sects  are  in  all  their  glory  in 
New  England  &  through  the  United  States.  They  are 
as  thick  as  the  gulls  upon  our  sandbar  as  hungry  &  as 
useless.  "38  And  so  the  record  continues.  In  1808  he 
writes:  "The  various  sects  have  prevailed  so  far  in 
Massachusetts  as  to  embrace  a  great  part  of  the  popu- 
lation. For  tho'  societies  are  not  formed  &  houses  of 
worship  built  yet  in  all  our  incorporations  a  number 
may  be  found  who  are  prevented  only  from  want  of  some 
enterprising  man  to  engage  in  the  work  of  seperation. '  *39 

Stevens  states  that,  during  the  first  ten  years  of  the 
century,  the  Methodist  denomination  doubled  its  dis- 
tricts, circuits,  and  ministry,  and  more  than  trebled  its 
membership,  the  latter  rising  from  5839  to  17,592,  an 
average  increase  of  nearly  100  per  month.40  The  Bap- 
tists gains  were  also  very  considerable.  Of  approxi- 
mately five  hundred  churches  which  were  in  existence 
in  1813,  124  had  been  organized  since  1800.41 

The  increase  of  these  denominations  had  an  impor- 
tant effect  on  political  events.  The  Congregational 
Church  as  an  institution  stood  for  Federalism.  Now 
there  was  a  great  body  in  the  community  hostile  to  it  on 
religious  grounds ;  it  was  natural  that  they  should  enlist 
with  its  political  enemies. 

37  ma.,  91. 

38/fcid.,  207. 
39  Ibid.,  345. 

See  also  36,  75,  76,  82,  91,  101,  157,  179,  192,  207,  212,  503,  506,  512. 
*o  Memorials,  2d  Series,  489,  490.     This  volume  gives  in  great  detail  the 
history  of  Methodist  activity  in  this  period. 

41  BENEDICT,  History  of  the  Baptists,  II,  497-508. 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  139 

There  was  no  friendly  feeling  between  the  regular 
and  dissenting  bodies  and  this  probably  increased  politi- 
cal animosity.  "It  has  been  my  lot  for  thirteen  years 
past  to  be  opposed  by  the  clergy,  from  whom  I  have 
received  the  most  abusive  treatment  I  ever  met  with. 
.  .  .  According  to  the  best  information  I  have,  there  is 
not  so  useless  and  hurtful  a  set  of  public  men  in  our 
country  as  the  clergy.  A  man  needs  not  a  great  share 
of  knowledge  to  see  that  as  a  body  of  men  they  are 
professed  enemies  of  our  Republican  government,  and 
open  enemies  of  the  President."42  These  are  the  words 
of  one  Baptist  leader.  Says  another  in  an  oration  in 
honor  of  Jefferson's  second  election,  "In  the  first  place, 
does  not  an  unhallowed  unconverted  lover  of  filthy 
lucre,  go  to  college  and  learn  the  art  of  keeping  the 
people  in  ignorance,  and  then  come  forth  A.M.  after 
receiving  the  mark  in  the  forehead  and  in  the  right 
hand,  tantamount  to  Popish  priest  ?"43  The  regular 
clergy  were  not  less  severe  in  describing  their  oppo- 
nents. A  missionary  in  Maine  naively  remarks  of  the 
Methodists:  "They  make  very  many  and  injurious 
divisions  among  Christians.  ...  I  think  our  new  settle- 
ments are  much  to  be  pitied,  as  they  are  overrun  with 
Methodist  teachers/'44  and  earlier,  speaking  of  the 
town  of  Mount  Vernon,  "This  is  a  place  of  horse  jockey- 
ing, taverning,  law  suits,  etc.,  not  affording  hearers 

42  The  Clergyman 's  Looking  Glass  or  Ancient  and  Modern  Things  Con- 
trasted.     By   Elias    Smith,   Boston,    1804.      See   also,   by   same   author,   A 
Discourse   delivered   at   Jefferson   Hall,   Thanksgiving  Day,   November   25, 
1802.    Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  1802.    A  Discourse  on  Government  and  Eeligion, 
delivered  at  Gray,  Maine,  July  14,  1810.     Portland,  1810.     Am.  Ant.  Soc. 
Library. 

43  A  Discourse,  delivered  at  Lebanon,  Conn.,  on  the  fourth  of  March, 
1805,  before  a  large  Concourse  of  respectable  citizens  met  in  honor  of  the 
late  presidential  Election  of  Thomas  Jefferson.     By  Elias  Nehemiah  Dodge 
of  Middletown.     Norwich,  1805,  27. 

44  P.  COFFIN,  Journal.    Coll.  Me.  Hist.  Soc.,  IV,  334. 


140  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

even  for  Baptists  and  Methodists.  "45  Another  minister 
writes:  "You  may  see  them  increasing  their  numbers 
by  readily  admitting  such  as  are  troublesome  persons 
in  society,  such  as  have  been  cast  out  of  regular  churches, 
and  such  as  have  taken  affront  at  some  just  reproof  from 
their  paster.  .  .  .  They  first  endeavor  to  make  proselytes 
of  the  weak  and  ignorant. ' M6 

These  last  words  are  rather  significant.  There  is 
considerable  evidence  that  the  sectaries  appealed  to  a 
somewhat  lower  social  class.  Timothy  Dwight  noted 
that  there  was  a  great  dearth  of  educated  men  among 
the  Baptists.47  Kendall,  whose  opinion  as  a  foreigner 
is  of  special  value,  noted  that  their  followers  were  of 
the  most  ignorant  and  illiterate  part  of  the  population.48 
Bentley  furnishes  suggestive  comments.  Speaking  of 
the  difficulties  of  a  brother  minister,  "the  ignorant 
sects,  &  the  Baptists  at  present  are  of  this  class,  draw 
away  the  ignorant  of  a  very  small  parish  from  him."49 
The  sectaries  had  been  carrying  on  a  religious  agita- 
tion, "but  it  evidently  subsides.  It  seems  to  have  spread 
as  far  as  education  will  suffer  it  and  the  tide  must 
take  another  turn."  Again — the  town  of  Beverly — "the 
majority  of  the  population  are  in  the  humblest  grades 

45  Hid.,  306. 

4«  The  Christian  Doctrines  stated,  and  False  Teachers  Discovered,  in 
the  Sermons  by  William  Eiddell,  A.  B.,  Pastor  of  the  Congregational  Church 
in  Bristol,  Me.  Wiscasset,  1800,  19-22.  Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Library. 

Cf.  the  following  in  Dartmouth  Gazette,  November  18,  1807,  relative 
to  the  recent  passage  of  a  religious  liberty  law  in  Vermont.  "The  situa- 
tion of  the  clergy  must  be  very  discouraging.  .  .  .  The  way  will  be  more 
freely  opened  for  the  inroads  of  those  ignorant  imposters,  those  disorgan- 
izing vagabonds,  those  straggling  pests  of  good  order,  who  go  about  under 
the  name  of  preachers,  leading  astray  the  weak  and  incautious  and  whose 
base  hypocrisy  or  wild  fanaticism  have  already  had  considerable  influence 
throughout  the  community." 

«  Travels,  I,  177;  IV,  161. 

43  Travels,  III,  107. 

49  Diary,  III,  106. 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  141 

of  information.  The  Baptist  minister  expects  a  har- 
vest/'50 The  tendency  of  this  class  of  people  to  enter 
the  Republican  ranks  is  quite  in  accord  with  the  general 
fact  already  noted,  that  parties  were  based  to  a  con- 
siderable degree  on  social  lines. 

That  the  minor  sects  were  almost  wholly  Republican 
is  a  matter  on  which  evidence  is  abundant.51  "That 
party  [the  Republican]  has  been  continually  denounc- 
ing the  clergy  of  regular  standing  as  the  friends  of 
monarchy  and  charging  them  with  intermeddling  with 
politics  with  which  they  have  no  concern.  But  what  is 
their  conduct  with  the  Baptists?  it  is  unnecessary  to 
answer — everyone  in  New  Hampshire  where  there  are 
any  of  that  sect,  knows  their  conduct."52  A  few  years 
earlier  a  Federalist  address  to  the  Baptists  had  gone 
the  rounds  of  the  press  urging  them  to  repent  of  their 
political  errors.53  The  comment  on  this  by  Republicans 
is  suggestive.  "The  writer  intimates,  that  though  the 
Baptists  are  friends  to  religion,  yet  at  the  same  time 
they  are  friendly  to  a  political  sentiment  called  Democ- 
racy. .  .  .  Remember  my  Brethren,  that  the  truth  you 
believe,  is  not  supported  by  the  friends  of  State  Reli- 
gion. .  .  . M54  Again,  a  year  later  the  same  paper  says, 
"Let  the  Baptists,  Methodists,  Quakers,  and  all  other 
distinctions  look  to  the  designs  of  the  Federalists  and 
adhere  to  Jefferson."55 

Bentley's  evidence  is  especially  full  and  valuable.  He 
is  always  inclined  to  regard  the  growth  of  the  dissenting 

so  Ibid.,  Ill,  515.    See  also  134. 

51  See  GREENE,  Eeligious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  407.     PLUMER,  Plumer,  186. 

52  Portsmouth  Oracle,  March  11,  1809. 
ss  Conn.  Courant,  March  28,  1804. 

6*  N.  H.  Gazette,  August  21,  1804. 
55  IUd.,  August  13,  1805. 

See  also  Portland  Gazette,  October  22,  1804,  March  25,  1805.  B.  I. 
Republican,  January  2,  23,  1811. 


142  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

element  as  due  to  political  reasons.  "The  Baptists  by 
attaching  themselves  to  the  present  administration  have 
gained  great  success  in  the  U.  S.  &  greater  in  New  Eng- 
land than  any  sect  since  the  settlement,  even  beyond 
comparison.  This  seems  to  be  a  warning  to  the 
Churches  of  the  other  denominations.  .  .  .  The  presi- 
dent is  in  full  consent  with  them  upon  the  use  of  civil 
power  in  the  State.  The  Baptists  are  in  their  constitu- 
encies more  republican  than  the  Methodists,  though 
hardly  much  more  join  their  prof ession.  "5*  .  .  .  Later  on, 
"The  Congregationalists  begin  to  be  alarmed  at  the 
great  progress  of  the  Anabaptists,  but  the  progress  is 
not  from  their  opinions,  but  from  their  political  situation 
to  oppose  the  busy  Clergymen  who  are  tools  of  the 
Anti- Jefferson  party. "5T  A  suggestive  comment,  "The 
Methodist  minister,  Mr.  James  profits  by  the  Republi- 
can temper  of  Lynn,  as  did  the  stupid  Pottle,  a  Baptist, 
at  Ipswich.  "58 

The  Baptists  have  always  been  friends  of  liberty  and 

56  Diary,  II,  409.  Cf.  Ill,  65.  "Never  has  there  been  greater  religious 
convulsions  in  the  public  mind  since  the  Eevolution.  The  methodists  by 
their  manner  of  supplying  preachers  have  had  great  advantages  in  our 
new  settlements.  The  active  part  the  regular  clergy  have  taken  with  the 
opposition  of  the  present  administration,  has  thrown  all  the  discontented 
into  the  sect  of  the  Baptists.  .  .  .  The  introduction  of  laymen  as  they  are 
called,  or  zealous  persons  without  a  public  or  regular  education  has  much 
contributed  to  inflame  zeal,  &  everywhere  we  find  convulsions,  separations, 
zeal  and  spiritual  gifts  celebrated."  See  also  82. 

67  Hid.,  419. 

**Il}id.,  Ill,  170.  Dr.  Ames  in  his  Diary  tells  of  a  violent  quarrel  in 
Parish  meeting  over  the  choice  of  a  minister  and  how  "F.  Ames  and  the 
lawyers"  dictated  to  the  rest.  His  illustrious  brother  "harrangued  them 
pathetically  about  pious  forefathers"  and  "crammed  the  Priest  down  their 
throats  tail  foremost."  December  20,  1802.  The  following  entry  occurs 
a  few  weeks  later,  February  10,  1803.  "I  and  others  having  joined  the 
Episcopal  Church,  they  exult  at  our  departure,  as  I  hear,  as  not  more  to 
be  troubled  with  our  opposition.  .  .  .  Every  infamous  slander  against 
Seceders  is  raised  to  justify  themselves  in  their  oppression  &  tyranny,  that 
drove  us  to  withdraw." 


EELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  143 

the  following  description  of  their  constitution,  from  a 
contemporary  pamphlet,  explains  why  there  was  a 
natural  attraction  between  the  sect  and  the  Republican 
movement.  The  writer  describes  the  Baptist  constitution 
as  follows: 

The  source  of  religious  liberty — the  real  friend  of  civil 
liberty — approves  the  first  principles  of  the  American  revolu- 
tion, constitution  and  government — and  all  measures  of  admin- 
istration which  are  founded  upon  them;  and  earnestly  prays 
for  the  bestowment  of  these  blessings  on  all  mankind — makes 
allowance,  however,  for  common  mistakes — is  highly  suspicious 
of  federalism — having  stood  in  front  of  the  battle  against  ene- 
mies of  civil  and  religious  liberty  for  ages,  is  enabled  by  its 
experience  to  penetrate  into  its  dark  designs — to  detect  its 
duplicity — to  determine  on  which  side  of  the  question  it  stands 
— has  on  account  of  such  things  been  persecuted,  more  than 
any  other  system  of  religion  whatever — but  never  been  a  per- 
secutor, notwithstanding  all  the  endeavors  of  its  enemies  to 
prove  it.59 

With  such  a  spirit  prevalent  in  a  rapidly  growing 
part  of  the  community,  there  was  inevitably  a  revolt 
against  one  of  New  England's  peculiar  institutions,  a 
church  supported  by  taxation.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
period  under  discussion  such  a  system  existed  in  all  the 
states  except  Rhode  Island.  The  latter  state  lacks  this 
phase  of  the  Republican  movement. 

The  privileged  position  of  the  clergy,  unlike  that  of 
the  lawyers  and  propertied  classes  whose  ascendency 
was  due  to  local  conditions  or  their  own  exertions,  was 
vulnerable.  It  was  open  to  attack  by  legislation.  It 
was  merely  a  question  of  time  until  the  potential  energy 

89  The  Age  of  Inquiry ;  or  Reason  and  Eevelation  in  Harmony  with 
Each  Other;  operating  against  all  Tyranny  and  Infidelity:  intended  as 
a  clue  to  the  present  political  controversy  in  the  United  States.  By  A 
True  Baptist.  Hartford,  1804,  12.  See  also  15,  25. 


144  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

created  by  the  growing  hostility  to  the  clergy  and  the 
accessions  to  the  minor  denominations  should  be  con- 
verted into  an  attempt  to  destroy  the  Establishments. 
In  Connecticut,  local  conditions  required  a  more  drastic 
remedy  and  led  to  the  Eepublican  attempts  to  abolish 
the  old  charter  government  and  substitute  a  modern  con- 
stitution.00 In  1818  this  effort  was  finally  successful. 

The  laws  regarding  taxation  for  religious  purposes 
were  not  severe.  By  the  Massachusetts  constitution  of 
1780  it  was  provided  that  towns  should  be  authorized 
to  make  provision  for  the  institution  of  public  worship, 
and  for  "the  support  and  maintenance  of  public  Prot- 
estant teachers  of  piety,  religion,  and  morality. "  In 
case  a  member  objected,  his  tax  could  be  diverted  to  the 
support  of  the  teacher  of  his  own  denomination,  other- 
wise the  money  was  to  be  paid  to  the  support  of  the 
teacher  of  the  parish  or  precinct  wherein  it  was  raised.61 
In  Connecticut  dissenters  were  exempted  from  taxation 
in  support  of  the  state  church  on  presentation  of  certifi- 
cates of  membership,  but  all  persons  were  still  taxed 
for  religious  purposes.62  A  similar  system  prevailed 
in  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont.63  While  the  actual 
oppression  of  this  system  was  not  great,  there  were 
constant  opportunities  for  petty  annoyances  and  it  still 
constituted  a  form  of  union  between  church  and  state. 
1 '  To  most  of  you  who  live  in  New  England,  I  know  what 
your  difficulties  are,"  writes  A  True  Baptist.  "The 
fetters  of  the  state  religion  were  put  upon  you  in  your 
infancy,  when  you  could  not  help  yourselves,  either  by 
word  or  deed :  and  during  your  minority,  you  were  par- 

eo  This  phase  of  the  Eepublican  movement  in  New  England  has  received 
an  excellent  treatment  by  GREENE,  Keligious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  369-496. 
This  should  be  read  in  connection  with  this  chapter. 

61  LAUER,  Church  and  State  in  New  England,  84. 

62  lUd.,  89. 

89-90. 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  145 

tially  holden  by  it  in  your  fathers'  names.  .  .  .  And 
lest  after  all  you  should  hobble  away,  the  political 
fetters  were  clapt  on  at  twenty  one;  and  thus  fettered 
on  both  sides  you  can  go  neither  backwards  nor  for- 
wards from  that  religion ;  but  must  support  it  according 
to  law,  unless  you  have  a  grant  from  the  law  makers. 
And  now  your  priests  and  politicians  complain  bitterly 
of  us,  for  attempting  to  break  these  fetters;  they  are 
afraid  if  you  get  them  off  of  one  side,  you  will  soon 
get  them  off  the  other.  "64  The  breaking  up  of  the  reli- 
gious establishment  and  of  the  dominance  of  one  church 
was  a  necessary  event  in  developing  a  party  system. 
The  movement  towards  disestablishment  was,  in  gen- 
eral, carried  on  under  Eepublican  auspices,  although 
there  were  probably  many  Federalists  who  had  little 
sympathy  for  the  existing  system.65  In  Connecticut, 
two  of  the  most  prominent  Republican  leaders,  Kirby 
and  Granger,  had  come  forward  as  opponents  of  a 
scheme  to  appropriate  the  returns  from  sales  of  state 
land  in  the  west  for  the  use  of  churches  and  schools.68 
Both  had  attacked  the  proposal  as  an  injustice  to  a 
large  minority  of  citizens,  and  incompatible  with  repub- 
lican institutions.67  At  the  same  time,  Timothy  Dwight, 
by  a  famous  sermon  on  the  same  topic,  took  his  place 
as  the  leading  champion  of  the  regular  order.68 
Another  interesting  figure  in  this  movement  was  John 
Leland,  a  Baptist  clergyman  who  had  taken  part  in  the 

«*  The  Age  of  Inquiry,  25.  Hid.,  15.  To  Federalists,  "The  first  prin- 
ciples of  your  cause,  in  my  opinion,  as  I  have  before  noted,  are  the  same 
which  lie  at  the  foundation  of  all  tyrannical  religions  and  governments, 
at  the  foundation  of  all  church  and  state  combinations." 

65  GREENE,  Religious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  376-377. 

66  For  a  discussion  of  this  bill,  ibid.,  381-392. 

6T  The  debate  in  the  legislature  was  published  in  Am.  Mercury,  May  16, 
1794. 

es  This  sermon  appears  in  Conn,  Courant,  March  16,  23,  30,  1795. 


146  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

Virginia  disestablishment.  He  afterwards  removed  to 
Connecticut  and  later  to  Cheshire,  in  Berkshire  County, 
Mass.  He  was  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Jefferson  and 
an  apostle  of  Republicanism.69  His  opinions  on  an 
elective  judiciary  have  already  been  quoted.  Another 
Baptist,  Elias  Smith  of  Portsmouth,  was  at  once  a  foe 
of  the  Establishment  and  an  advocate  of  Republican- 
ism.70 In  1808  he  founded  a  religious  publication,  The 
Herald  of  Gospel  Liberty,  in  which  he  attacked  the 
clergy  and  upheld  the  Republican  party  with  equal 
zeal.71  In  an  early  number  he  writes :  *  '  There  are  people 
in  the  country  who  still  desire  a  religion  supported  by 
the  government.  .  .  .  These  people  have  remained 
among  us  like  the  seven  nations  in  Canaan  to  be  over- 
come by  little  and  little,  and  when  we  as  a  nation  have 
been  inattentive  to  our  privileges,  they  have  been  as 
briars  in  our  eyes,  and  thorns  in  our  sides.  .  .  .  The 
republican  principle  is  constantly  prevailing,  and  as 
this  prevails  religious  liberty  extends  with  it."  The 

«»See  GREENE,  Religious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  376,  387.  Also  541  for  a 
list  of  his  pamphlets  on  religious  liberty.  See  also  F.  F.  PETITCLERC, 
Recollections  of  John  Leland.  Publications  of  Berkshire  Historical  Society, 
I,  269.  Also  Some  Events  in  the  Life  of  John  Leland,  written  by  Him- 
self. Pittsfield,  Mass.,  1838.  Manasseh  Cutler  who  heard  him  preach 
before  Congress  in  1808  when  he  had  presented  the  President  with  a 
cheese  from  the  Berkshire  Republicans,  describes  him  as  ' '  the  cheesemonger, 
a  poor,  ignorant,  illiterate,  clownish  preacher." 

70  See  The  Life,  Conversion,  Preaching,  Travels  and  Sufferings  of  Elias 
Smith.    Written  by  Himself,  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  1816. 

71  There  is  an  incomplete  file  of  this  publication  for  1808-1809  in  the 
Boston  Public  Library. 

His  opinion  of  Jefferson  is  worth  quoting.  "Jefferson's  name  will 
always  be  held  in  high  esteem  by  those  who  love  liberty,  equality,  unity, 
and  peace.  .  .  .  I  do  not  think  there  ever  was  a  chief  magistrate  so  well 
qualified  as  he  is.  His  ideas  of  government  and  religion  accord  with  the 
laws  of  the  King  of  Kings.  .  .  .  For  this  he  is  hated  by  hypocrites  and 
those  who  wish  to  stamp  the  people  into  dust  and  ashes,  in  order  to  acquire 
ease,  wealth,  riches,  and  everlasting  reputation,  by  depriving  the  people 
of  their  rights."  January  19,  1809. 


KELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  147 

dissenters  looked  to  Jefferson  as  the  great  leader  of 
their  cause  and  occasional  complimentary  addresses 
express  their  loyalty.72 

Such  men  as  Leland  and  Smith  were  agitators,  but 
the  actual  work  of  repealing  the  public  worship  laws 
seems  to  have  been  carried  out  quietly.  Vermont  was 
the  first  state  to  bring  about  the  reform.  In  1801  there 
was  a  partial  repeal,  and  in  1807,  under  the  lead  of  two 
Baptist  and  Republican  members  of  the  legislature, 
all  previous  statutes  were  repealed.73  Repeal  in  New 
Hampshire  was  slower  in  coming.  The  state  boasted 
that  it  had  fewer  aristocratic  principles  of  government 
and  less  bigotry  in  religion  than  Massachusetts.74  In 
1805  and  1807  laws  were  passed  relieving  Universalists 
and  Baptists.75  Even  Smith  admitted  that  "law  reli- 
gion "  in  this  state  was  less  offensive  than  in  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut.76  Complete  religious  liberty 
came  with  the  passage  of  the  Toleration  Act  of  1819. 

In  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  the  feeling  against 
the  Establishment  steadily  grew.  In  the  former  state 

72  See  Am.  Mercury,  January  28,  1802.     Address  of  Danbury  Baptist 
Association.    Hid.,  March  30,  1809.    Address  of  New  Lebanon  Methodists. 

73  BURBAGE,  History  of  the  Baptists,  131.     There  had  been  great  opposi- 
tion to  the  system  at  an  earlier  date.     See  Spooner's  Vt.  Journal,  August 
18,  October  20,  November  3,  10,  December  8,  1794.    There  was  also  resent- 
ment  at   the   activity   of   the   Connecticut   and  Massachusetts  missionaries 
who  were  ' '  zealous  against  Methodists,  Baptists,  and  Universalists. ' ;    Ibid., 
February  23,  1795.     Conn.  Courant,  July  28,  1794.     See  also  A  Short  His- 
tory of  late  Ecclesiastical  Oppressions  in  New  England  and  Vermont.    By 
a  citizen.     Richmond,  1799.     This  latter  has  an  interesting  account  of  the 
forfeiture  of  the  Episcopalian  glebes  by  the  Vermont  legislature. 

74  N.  H.  Patriot,  February  7,  1813. 

75  LAUER,  Church  and  State  in  New  England,  101. 

76  A  Discourse  on  Government  and  Religion,  40.     Also  The  loving  Kind- 
ness of  God  displayed  in  the  Triumph  of  Republicanism  in  America;  being 
a  Discourse  delivered  at  Taunton,  Mass.,  July  4,  1809,  30.     "  Civil  and 
religious  liberty  has  triumphed  in  every  part  of  the  union  except  Connec- 
ticut and  Massachusetts  and  a  few  desolate  spots  in  New  Hampshire. " 


148  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

almost  the  whole  political  struggle  of  the  early  years 
of  the  century  hinged  on  the  question  of  religious  lib- 
erty. While  the  dissenters  were  numerous  and  active 
the  Federalists  had  the  support  of  the  strong  Episco- 
palian body,  and  until  they  had  alienated  that  support 
were  able  to  hold  their  ground.77  The  adoption  of  the 
new  constitution  of  1818  ended  the  legal  control  of  the 
Congregational  church  in  that  state.  In  Massachusetts 
in  the  winter  of  1807-1808,  when  the  Republicans  were 
for  the  first  time  in  full  control  of  the  state  government 
a  Public  Worship  bill  was  introduced.78  Bentley  writes 
that  the  vote  by  which  it  was  negatived,  127  to  102,  was 
a  fair  indication  of  the  relative  progress  of  opinion  on 
the  subject.  He  considered  that  the  rapid  increase  of 
the  sects  would  make  the  passage  of  such  a  law  inevitable 
within  a  few  years.79 

The  defeat  of  the  Republicans  in  this  year  gave  the 
Federalists  control  until  1810.  In  1811  interest  in  the 
subject  was  renewed  by  a  judicial  decision  that  money 
received  by  ministerial  taxes  could  be  diverted  only  to 
societies  regularly  incorporated  by  law.80  Large  num- 
bers of  dissenting  societies  were  little  more  than 
informal  gatherings,  and  the  Federalists  in  the  legisla- 
ture had  more  than  once  shown  unwillingness  to  grant 

77  GREENE,  Eeligious  Liberty  in  Conn.,  405,  417,  441-444.     The  Episco- 
palians were  wealthy  and  probably  of  the  same  social  class  as  the  Congre- 
gationalists.     Ibid.,  405.     Cf.  Dwight's  complimentary  reference  to  Epis- 
copal ministers.     Travels,  I,  177. 

78  House  Journal,  XXVII,  63. 

79  Diary,  III,  345.     Ibid.,  505.     After  discussing  the  extravagances  of 
the  Baptists,  "The  opposition  take  hold  of  this  as  a  plea  for  an  estab- 
lishment &  scruple  not  to  say  that  the  best  religion  cannot  find  support  in 
civil  society  unless  it  be  administered  in  the  same  manner,  as  the  Laws 
support  all  other  concerns  which  relate  to  the  common  safety. ' ' 

80  The  decision  was  printed  as  a  pamphlet.     At  the  Supreme  Judicial 
Court,  May  term,  1810,  in  Cumberland,  Thomas  Barns  vs.  The  Inhabitants 
of  the  First  Parish  in  Falmouth.    Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Library. 


KELIGIOUS  LIBERTY  149 

incorporation.81  There  was  a  renewed  demand  for 
reform.82  In  June,  1811,  a  law  was  passed  exempting 
from  ministerial  taxation  all  persons  producing  a  cer- 
tificate of  membership  in  any  other  religious  society, 
incorporate  or  otherwise.83  Complete  separation  of 
church  and  state  did  not  occur  until  1833. 

It  is  difficult  to  prove  whether  these  public  worship 
bills  were  adopted  by  strict  party  voting,  but  there  is 
no  question  but  that  the  Republican  party  held  itself 
responsible  for  them  and  that  the  Federalists  were 
strongly  opposed  to  their  passage.  An  address  to  the 
people  of  Maine  in  1811  reminds  them  that  the  Repub- 
licans stand  for  religious  liberty  while  the  Federalists 
"are  friendly  to  one  class  of  religious  worshippers  and 
promote  their  interests  exclusively. ' >84  A  similar  appeal 
to  the  Massachusetts  voters  a  year  later  warns  them 
that  the  "aristocratic  hierarchy "  are  the  enemies  of 
religious  freedom  and  urges  them  to  keep  the  govern- 
ment in  the  hands  of  the  Republicans.85 

While  the  Federalist  clergy  were  unsparing  in  de- 
nouncing these  opponents,  there  is  little  evidence  that 
the  Republicans  made  religious  grounds  a  basis  of  per- 
sonal attack.  In  1812,  it  is  true,  Strong  and  Phillips, 
the  Federalist  candidates  for  governor  and  lieutenant- 
governor,  are  held  up  as  "  both  members  of  that  denomi- 
nation which  has  taxed  the  minor  denominations  to  pay 

si  E.  Argus,  May  2,  1811.  "The  Federalists  supported  the  Judiciary 
against  the  Baptists,  Methodists,  and  Sectarians  generally.  In  one  branch 
every  federal  vote  was  repeatedly  given  against  incorporating  those  socie- 
ties with  the  privilege  of  admitting  members. " 

82  A  considerable  number  of  petitions  on  this  matter  are  preserved  in 
Mass.  Archives. 

ss  LAUER,  Church  and  State  in  New  England,  104.  General  Laws,  276. 
1811,  Chap.  VI. 

s*  E.  Argus,  May  2,  1811. 

85  Ind.  Chronicle,  March  17,  1812.    See  also  March  23,  April  2. 


150  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

their   minister."86     A    similar    attack    on    Lieutenant- 
Governor  Cobb  appears  in  1810.87 

This  phase  of  Republican  activity  has  considerable 
significance.  Like  the  movements  discussed  in  the  pre- 
vious chapter  it  denoted  a  laudable  opposition  to  a 
class  which  had  usurped  more  than  a  fair  share  of  influ- 
ence in  the  community,  an  influence  which  was  too  much 
on  the  side  of  provincialism  and  conservatism.  Its  out- 
come was  the  complete  and  final  separation  of  church 
and  state,  one  of  the  distinctive  features  of  American 
polity. 

s«  Ibid.,  March  12,  1812. 

87  E.  Argus,  March  22,  27,  1810.  In  latter  number  appears  the  follow- 
ing doggerel,  in  regard  to  Cobb's  alleged  intolerance. 

O,  had  your  Honor  chanced  to  live 

In  good  Queen  Mary's  days, 
What  hecatombs  your  zeal  would  give 

To  Smithfield's  hallowed  blaze. 

Yet  modern  times  may  learn  from  you 

The  blessings  of  her  reign, 
When  Fire  and  Faggots  shall  subdue 

The  Democrats  of  Maine. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  NATIONAL  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  NEW  ENG- 
LAND REPUBLICANISM 

The  political  movement  whose  growth  and  activity 
have  been  discussed  had  an  importance  not  confined  to 
New  England.  The  Republican  party  was  a  national 
organization,  a  fact  doubly  important  since  in  1800  its 
rival  had  been  almost  annihilated  outside  of  the  New 
England  stronghold.  Federalism  was  still  supreme  in 
the  latter  region  at  the  opening  of  the  century.  In 
view  of  the  attitude  which  its  leaders  assumed  towards 
the  national  government  after  1801,  the  growth  of  the 
Republican  party  was  of  vital  importance  to  the  whole 
country.  The  process  of  creating  a  nation  was  still  in 
its  early  stages;  the  country  was  only  twelve  years 
away  from  the  state  jealousies  and  disorders  of  the 
Confederation.  New  England  was  in  many  ways  a  dis- 
tinct region ;  the  character  of  the  people,  its  institutions, 
its  economic  interests,  all  combined  to  make  it  the  seat 
of  provincialism.  "The  people  of  New  England  must 
be  conciliated  and  persuaded/'  writes  Granger  to 
Jefferson  early  in  his  first  term  and  advising  moderation 
in  removal  of  Federalist  officeholders.  "They  are  all 
natives  whose  ancestors  long  since  resided  here.  They 
have  a  kind  of  national  Character — feel  all  that  pride 
and  love  of  Country — that  is — of  New  England  which 
in  old  countries  have  produced  such  astonishing 
effects."1  Should  there  be  a  large  enough  majority  of 

i  July  6,  1801.    Jefferson  Papers,  2d  Series,  XXXVI,  No.  30. 


152  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

the  people  arrayed  against  the  national  administration, 
the  consequences  to  national  development  would  be 
serious. 

Although  the  Republican  party  lacked  a  program  in 
the  modern  sense,  although  its  principles  were  largely 
generalities,  yet  on  one  question  it  took  an  emphatic  and 
definite  position.  Between  1800  and  1815  it  was  essen- 
tially the  party  of  union  and  nationalism.  Although 
the  Federalist  legislature  of  Massachusetts  had  de- 
clared in  1799  in  reply  to  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky 
Resolutions  that  "the  several  United  States  are  con- 
nected by  a  common  interest  which  ought  to  render  their 
union  indissoluble  and  that  this  state  will  always  co-oper- 
ate with  its  confederate  states  in  rendering  that  union 
productive  of  mutual  security,  freedom,  and  happi- 
ness, "2  the  party  attitude  changed  completely  with  the 
events  of  1800. 

During  Jefferson's  first  administration  the  Federalist 
press  made  persistent  efforts  to  arouse  ill  feeling 
towards  Virginia  and  the  South.3  "Virginia  influence " 
was  as  vicious  as  "French  influence. "  The  New  Eng- 
land Republican  was  taunted  with  being  a  servant  or 
ally  of  the  South.  The  measures  of  the  administration 
were  hostile  to  New  England  interests,  the  latter  charge 
becoming  still  more  bitter  as  foreign  complications 
brought  on  the  restrictive  system.  An  appeal  on  behalf 
of  the  Federalist  congressional  ticket  in  Maine  in  1802 
urges  the  support  of  "all  those  who  are  not  willing  to 
prostrate  our  national  glory  at  the  feet  of  a  Virginia 
f action.  "4  Says  an  address  to  the  New  Hampshire 

2  Senate  Journal,  XIX,  225. 

s  Am.  Mercury.  May  20,  1802,  accounts  for  the  slow  growth  of  Eepub- 
licanism  in  Massachusetts  thus,  "There  is  much  state  pride  in  Massachu- 
setts and  federalism  has  been  kept  from  sinking  there  by  raising  jealousies 
against  Virginia." 

*  Quoted  from  Portland  Gazette  by  Portsmouth  Oracle,  October  12,  1802. 


NATIONAL  SIGNIFICANCE  153 

farmers,  after  reminding  them  of  the  removal  of  the 
stamp  tax,  the  excise  on  whiskey,  and  the  carriage  tax: 
"Is  abolishing  these  taxes  restoring  to  the  mouth  of 
labor  the  bread  it  has  earned?  Is  it  not  suffering  the 
Virginia  Nabobs  to  ride  at  ease  in  their  carriages  f"' 
An  appeal  on  behalf  of  the  Federalist  candidate  in  the 
York  district  of  Maine  states:  "Mr.  Lord  is  no  Vir- 
ginian— he  is  in  principle  as  well  as  fact  a  New  Eng- 
land man,  plain  in  his  manners,  sound  in  his  morality, 
and  virtuous  in  his  politics.  "6  This  is  the  prevailing 
tone  of  the  Federalists,  their  virulence  increasing  every 
year  until  after  the  war. 

The  Eepublican  spirit  is  in  marked  contrast  to  that 
exhibited  in  the  above  quotations.  "Union  is  essential 
to  our  happiness, "  reads  an  appeal  on"  behalf  of  John 
Langdon  in  1803.7  "The  Federalists  are  using  every 
base  means  to  dissolve  our  union.  .  .  .  Be  on  your  guard 
against  them."8  All  Republicans  must  support  the 
Union,  its  interests  are  indissoluble.  "If  one  member 
of  the  body  receives  a  wound,  the  whole  must  feel  it."9 
The  Federalist  disaffection  rose  in  1804  to  the  point  of 
conspiracy  against  the  Union.10  The  acquisition  of 
Louisiana  was  considered  a  blow  at  New  England  inter- 

5  Portsmouth  Oracle,  February  27,  1802.  Of.  Conn.  Courant,  March  23, 
1803.  ' '  The  Pennsylvania  Irishmen  and  Virginians  drink  whiskey  duty 
free,  the  southern  nabobs  ride  in  untaxed  carriages  and  give  notes  without 
paying  for  the  stamp.  The  poor  pay  the  same  duties  on  brown  sugar,  salt, 
coffee,  bohea  tea,  and  molasses. ' ' 

Cf.  Col.  Centinel,  April  20,  1803,  in  reference  to  the  recent  election  in 
Connecticut.  ' '  The  satellites  of  Old  Dominion  owe  their  mortification  to 
the  exertions  and  steady  habits  of  the  owners  and  cultivators  of  the  soil. ' 7 

e  Portsmouth  Oracle,  October  26,  1802. 

^  N.  H.  Gazette,  January  25,  1803. 

8  Ibid.,  February  1. 

slfcuZ.,  February  15. 

10  For  a  discussion  of  this  movement  see  Adams  U.  S.,  II,  166-191. 


154  JEFFEBSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

ests,11  and  the  Republicans  were  well  aware  of  the  dan- 
gerous situation  in  this  year.  There  are  savage  denun- 
ciations of  "the  demagogues  who  still  threaten  a  disso- 
lution of  the  Union. >m  Republicans  must  "repel  as 
well  as  reprobate  all  attempts  and  measures  that  natu- 
rally tend  to  a  dissolution  of  the  union  and  use  every 
possible  exertion  to  make  the  state  government  har- 
monize with  the  national/'13  An  appeal  to  the  New 
Hampshire  voters  reads,  "to  preserve  our  glorious 
union  a  wise  choice  of  representatives  to  Congress  is 
of  momentous  importance/'14  "You  may  guard  the 
safety,  or  seal  the  death  warrant  of  the  national  union, ' ' 
says  an  address  to  the  voters  of  Worcester  County, 
Mass.15  It  was  in  this  year  that  the  Massachusetts  leg- 
islature proposed  an  amendment  to  the  United  States 
constitution  abolishing  the  "three  fifths"  clause  and 
basing  representation  on  free  white  population.  This 
was  rejected  by  most  of  the  states,  greatly  to  the  satis- 
faction of  the  Republicans.16  The  sweeping  victory 

11  The  following  is  a  typical  utterance.  Portsmouth  Oracle,  October  13, 
1804.  "New  England,  the  seat  of  commerce,  of  industry,  of  wealth  and 
s  active  strength  is  gradually  losing  her  relative  weight  in  the  general 
delegation.  Her  ancient  rights  like  morning  clouds  are  passing  beyond  the 
mountains  to  fall  in  prolific  showers  upon  the  territories  of  Ohio,  of 
Indiana,  of  Mississippi,  of  Louisiana  and  the  Pacific  Ocean. ' ' 

i2lnd.  Chronicle,  April  9,  1804.  Also  N.  H.  Gazette,  April  24.  The 
Nat'l  Aegis,  May  30,  denounces.  "This  insidious,  this  inflammatory,  this 
treasonable  attempt  to  raise  jealousies  between  the  different  divisions  of 
the  country. " 

is  N.  H.  Gazette,  February  14,  1804. 

i*  Hid.,  August  14. 

is  Nat  '1  Aegis,  October  31,  1804.  The  same  spirit  is  found  in  an  oration 
by  Joseph  Chandler  at  Monmouth,  Me.  E.  Argus,  September  6.  The  Repub- 
lican toasts  at  Fourth  of  July  and  other  gatherings  during  this  year  give 
"the  Union  of  the  States"  a  prominent  place. 

is  The  Col.  Centinel,  November  17,  1804,  states  that  Ehode  Island,  "that 
little  satellite  of  Virginia,"  and  Vermont  having  rejected  this  amendment 
would  doubtless  "receive  a  'well  done'  from  Virginia." 


NATIONAL  SIGNIFICANCE  155 

of  the  party  at  the  November  election  was  taken  as  a 
decisive  rebuke  to  the  Federalist  designs.  "It  demon- 
strates the  unity  of  the  American  people  on  the  cardinal 
points  of  their  political  concerns.  It  proves  that,  how- 
ever from  the  influence  of  momentary  prejudice  or 
ignorance  they  may  differ  for  a  day,  they  become  when 
well  informed,  one  homogeneous  and  solid  mass.  Let 
us  not  hereafter  be  told  that  the  several  states  are  com- 
posed of  such  discordant  materials  as  to  be  incapable 
of  harmonious  action.  Let  us  not  be  told  that  the  feel- 
ings, the  principles,  and  the  views  of  one  section  are 
hostile  to  those  of  another.  .  .  .  This  early  triumph  of 
principle  is  eminently  owing  to  leading  causes;  the 
attempts  recently  made  to  dismember  the  empire,  and 
those  made  to  enlist  the  passions  and  prejudices  of  the 
East  against  the  South. >m 

The  disloyal  conduct  of  the  Federalists  while  the 
embargo  was  in  force  is  well  known.  The  effect  of  this 
measure  on  the  political  strength  of  the  Republican 
party  was  serious,  but  there  was  still  a  large  body  in 
most  states  only  a  few  hundred  short  of  a  majority, 
which  stood  loyally  by  the  government.  This  minority 
recognized  the  dangers  of  the  situation.  The  resolu- 
tions of  the  Bristol  County  Republicans  denounce  the 
"powerful  combination  of  persons "  at  Boston  who 
"have  sought  to  organize  a  system  of  distrust  and 
opposition  which  should  paralyze  the  national  govern- 
ment and  break  asunder  the  unity  of  the  states "  and 
pledge  the  party  support  for  the  Union.18  In  the  Con- 
necticut legislature  the  Republican  minority  condemned 

IT  Ind.  Chronicle,  December  13,  1804. 

is/fctd.,  October  10,  1808.  Almost  every  number  of  this  paper  from 
August,  1808,  to  March,  1809,  contains  reports  of  loyal  meetings. 

On  June  8,  1809,  it  is  declared,  "Federalism  is  another  term  for  hos- 
tility to  the  Union." 


156  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

the  conduct  of  the  governor  in  refusing  the  Secretary 
of  War  the  use  of  militia  to  enforce  the  embargo.19 
Their  example  was  followed  by  Republicans  in  many 
towns  who  signed  resolutions  pledging  support  to  the 
national  government.20  Republican  feeling  in  Rhode 
Island  was  similar.21 

The  seven  years  following  the  laying  of  the  embargo 
were  full  of  hardship  for  New  England.  Commercial 
restrictions  were  followed  by  war;  the  hostility  of  the 
Federalists  kept  rising  steadily.  The  victory  of 
Elbridge  Gerry  in  1810  was  announced  as  "a  victory' 
for  the  friends  of  Union.  'm  Gerry  in  his  various  mes- 
sages was  careful  to  emphasize  the  need  of  loyalty  to 
the  Union  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  justify  a  removal 
from  office  during  the  latter  part  of  his  administration 
because  the  incumbent  was  "  trying  to  subvert  the 
national  Government  and  to  sever  the  union  of  the 
states."23 

The  party  held  to  the  same  principles  throughout  the 
war.  Not  long  after  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  a  con- 
vention of  Hampshire  County  Republicans  declared, 

is  Conn.  Courant,  March  8,  1809.     Am.  Mercury,  March  2. 

20  Am.  Mercury,  March  10,  17,  23,  30,  April  6,  13,  1809. 

21 E.  I.  Eepublican,  April  12,  18,  1809.  The  latter  number  states  in 
regard  to  the  conduct  of  the  legislature:  "What  is  this  but  unqualified 
and  open  Eebellion?  ...  If  New  England  break  from  the  union  we  are 
crushed  between  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  and  will  probably  be  divided 
between  them.  .  .  .  The  Boston  junto  have  dictated  to  their  understrapping 
junto  of  Ehode  Island." 

The  following  anecdote  appearing  in  a  number  of  Eepublican  papers 
illustrates  the  feeling  of  the  day.  A  "prominent  Federalist"  on  his  way 
to  Washington  speaks  of  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  asks  "In  case 
New  Englanders  should  rise,  would  the  New  Jersey  militia  act  against 
them?"  A  Eepublican  replies,  "I  trust,  sir,  there  are  now,  as  there  were 
in  '76,  whigs  enough  in  New  England  to  keep  the  tories  down."  Ind. 
Chronicle,  December  19,  1808. 

22  Ind.  Chronicle,  April  9. 

23  Col.  Centinel,  February  19,  1812. 


NATIONAL  SIGNIFICANCE  157 

"Should  the  leaders  of  the  Federalist  party  call  a  state 
or  New  England  convention  according  to  their  con- 
templated plan  we  solemnly  declare  that  we  shall  regard 
such  an  act  as  a  preparatory  step  on  the  part  of  our 
domestic  enemies  to  organize  a  force  for  the  destruction 
of  everything  dear  to  us,  and  that  we  shall  take  such 
decisive  measures  as  so  alarming  a  crisis  will  imperi- 
ously demand."24  This  was  the  tone  of  the  party  two 
years  later  when  Massachusetts  issued  the  call  for  the 
Hartford  Convention.  Several  notable  speeches  were 
delivered  by  Eepublican  members  of  the  legislature,  all 
denouncing  the  proposed  convention  as  "treason  and 
rebellion."  The  Maine  members  were  especially  active 
in  opposition  to  the  secession  projects  of  the  Federal- 
ists.25 In  Ehode  Island  the  minority  conducted  a  deter- 
mined opposition  to  sending  delegates,  and  after 
defeat  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  declaring  that 
"the  proposed  convention  bears  the  garb  and  complexion 
of  sedition,  insurrection,  rebellion  and  treason."26 

The  history  of  the  Hartford  Convention  need  not  be 
discussed  here.  It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  it  did 
not  represent  the  unanimous  sentiment  of  New  England. 
In  Vermont  and  New  Hampshire  parties  were  evenly 
matched  and  neither  state  was  officially  represented. 
In  Maine  the  Republicans  were  actually  in  the  majority. 
In  the  previous  February  the  American  Mercury  in  dis- 
cussing the  threats  of  the  Federalists,  remarked :  ' l  They 
will  resolve  and  remonstrate  with  terrible  fury.  .  .  . 

24lnd.  Chronicle,  July  27,  1812.     See  also  July  15,  18. 

25  See  speeches  of  Albion  K.  Parris,  E.  Argus,  June  16,  July  7,  October 
27;  of  M.  L.  Hill,  July  21;  Timothy  Fuller,  March  3;  J.  Holmes,  June  30, 
July  7,  1814. 

26  E.  I.  Eepublican,  November  9,  16,  23,  gives  a  summary  of  proceedings 
of  legislature  and  much  interesting  comment. 

See  also  Am.  Mercury,  November  8,  15,  22,  December  13,  27,  for  Con- 
necticut opinions. 


158  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCEACY 

The  wisest  of  the  faction  know  the  extent  of  their  power 
and  confine  their  aims  to  possibilities.  .  .  .  The  national 
government  can  rely  on  the  support  and  co-operation  of 
100,000  Republicans  in  New  England.  Perhaps  we  do 
not  feel  as  much  alarmed  as  we  ought.  Be  well  prepared 
for  every  exigency. 'm 

Enough  has  been  quoted  to  show  that  the  Eepublican 
party  always  maintained  the  principle  of  loyalty  to  the 
Union.  Whether  this  would  have  been  sufficient  to  have 
led  to  civil  war  had  the  Federalists  actually  seceded, 
it  is  impossible  to  say.  Had  the  party  been  as  small  a 
minority  as  in  1798,  New  England  would  have  had  few 
ties  with  the  rest  of  the  country.  The  presence  of  a 
well-organized  party,  never  more  than  a  few  thousand 
votes  in  the  minority,  preaching  loyalty  and  nationalism 
throughout  the  fourteen  years  when  the  opposing  party 
was  steadily  tending  in  the  opposite  direction,  was  an 
important  factor  in  national  life. 

The  Eepublican  party  was  essentially  American. 
Kendall  remarked  that  "the  anti-federalists  in  politics 
are  all  optimists  in  philosophy;  and  everything  in  the 
United  States  (federalism  excepted)  is  the  best  of  all 
possible  things."28  They  helped  to  make  New  England 
like  the  rest  of  the  country.  The  introduction  of  "the 
detestable  practice  of  electioneering"  might  have  evil 
features,  but  it  helped  make  American  parties  and  poli- 
tics uniform  from  Maine  to  Georgia.  The  breaking 

J  27  February  15,  1814. 

28  Travels,  II,  233.  The  occasion  of  his  remark  was  an  argument 
between  the  innkeeper  and  the  clergyman  of  Dighton,  Mass.  "Every 
person  in  the  United  States, "  said  my  landlord,  "is  happy:  not  one  in 
ten  thousand  is  unhappy."  "You,  you  are  all  unhappy,"  replied  his 
reverend  opponent :  ' '  not  one  in  ten  thousand  is  happy :  you  carry  fire- 
brands in  your  bosom ;  you  all  want  to  be  kings ! ' '  The  Salem  Eegister, 
January  18,  1802,  attacks  the  Federalist  practice  of  "belittling  everything 
American. ' ' 


NATIONAL  SIGNIFICANCE  159 

'  down  of  the  rule  of  family,  clerical  and  legal  alliances 
was  part  of  the  same  process.  The  country  was  expand- 
ing; New  England  could  not  forever  have  the  same 
influence  in  the  nation,  and  it  was  wasted  energy  for  the 
Federalists  to  rail  against  Kentucky  or  Louisiana.  Per- 
haps the  essential  difference  in  the  two  parties  appears 
in  two  toasts,  both  to  "the  Union  of  the  States. "  The 
Federalist,  "Wo  to  them  who  vote  down  the  Wall  of 
Partition,  and  let  in  the  prairie  dogs  and  wolves  of  the 
wilderness,  to  snarl  at  and  devour  our  children. ' m  The 
Eepublican,  "Oceans  the  boundary,  eternity  the  dura- 
tion, and  infamy  to  those  who  advise  their  dissolution/'30 

so  E.  Argus,  June  14,  1804. 

29  Col.  Centinel,  July  7,  1813.  * 


CHAPTEE  IX 
PAETY  DISTEIBUTION 

A.  Distribution  of  Parties,  1811.    Dotted  areas,  Federalist; 
shaded,   Republican.     Based  on  vote   for  governor  except  in 
Connecticut,   returns  in  Massachusetts  Archives  and  as  pub- 
lished for  respective  states  in  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  Ver- 
mont Republican,  Rhode  Island  Republican.     The  distribution 
in  Connecticut  is  based  on  incomplete  returns  of  the  vote  for 
governor  published  in  Connecticut  Mirror,  and  representation 
in  Assembly  as  indicated  by  vote  on  resolution  condemning  Non- 
Intercourse.    Yeas  and  nays  on  this  resolution  were  published 
in  Connecticut  Courant,  June  5,  with  comment  that  all  voting 
against  resolutions  were  Democrats. 

B.  Vote  on  Religious  Liberty  Bills.     For  religious  liberty, 
shaded;  against,  dotted.    A  few  Connecticut  towns  with  evenly 
divided  vote  indicated  by  parallel  lines.     These  bills  deal  with 
the  question  of  supporting  the  clergy  by  public  taxation.    Those 
in  Vermont  and  New  Hampshire  abolished  this  practice,  the 
Baptist  petition  in  Connecticut  was  a  request  for  such  action. 
The  Massachusetts  bill  allowed  exemption  on  presentation  of 
properly  signed  certificates. 

1.  Vermont.     ''An  act  to  repeal  a  certain  act  and  parts 
of  an  act  therein  mentioned  relating  to  the  support  of  th( 
Gospel."     Assembly  Journal,  session  of  1807,  118.     (October 
20.)     Yeas,  105;  nays,  71. 

2.  New   Hampshire.     "An  Act  in   amendment   of   an   act 
entitled,  an  act  for  regulating  towns  and  the  choice  of  town 
officers,  passed  February  8,  1791."     House  Journal,  June  ses- 
sion, 1819,  286.     (June  25.)    Yeas,  95;  nays,  88. 

3.  Massachusetts.     "Will  the  House  reconsider  their  vote 


PARTY  DISTRIBUTION  161 

passed  this  day  whereby  they  decided  that  the  Bill  entitled  'An 
Act  respecting  Public  Worship  and  Religious  Freedom'  should 
pass  to  be  engrossed."  House  Journal,  XXXII,  94.  Yeas  and 
nays,  Appendix  III. 

4.  Connecticut.  Vote  on  accepting  the  report  of  committee 
to  which  was  referred  Baptist  petition.  Yeas  and  nays  pub- 
lished in  Connecticut  Courant,  June  1,  1803. 

C.  Massachusetts.      Federal,    dotted;    Republican,    shaded. 
Based  on  vote  for  governor,  returns  in  Mass.  Archives. 

D.  District  of  Maine,  same  elections. 

1.  Election  of  1797. 

2.  Election  of  1802. 

3.  Election  of  1807. 

An  examination  of  the  accompanying  maps  reveals 
some  interesting  facts  in  regard  to  the  distribution  of 
the  parties.  In  Massachusetts  the  election  of  1797,  one 
of  the  first  regular  party  tests,  shows  the  parties  in 
force  in  certain  areas  which  they  continue  to  hold  in 
after  years.  In  1802  and  1807  (Maps  2,  3)  these  areas 
are  seen  to  have  spread  somewhat  so  that  they  con- 
stitute continuous  party  zones.  Only  the  District  of 
Maine  shows  any  remarkable  transformation,  the 
causes  of  which  have  already  been  explained.  In  Mas- 
sachusetts proper,  Federalism  is  found  at  its  great- 
est strength  in  a  strip  of  varying  width  along  the  coast 
and  in  the  great  interior  area  of  Hampshire  and 
Worcester  counties,  Republicanism  being  in  control  of 
the  intervening  area  and  of  Berkshire  in  the  west.  In 
New  Hampshire  the  Federalists  were  strong  in  the 
western  counties  of  the  Connecticut  Valley  and  along 
the  lower  Merrimac,  while  the  Republicans  occupied  the 
great  interior  area  of  the  state.  In  Rhode  Island,  the 
Republicans  usually  controlled  the  interior  towns,  Fed- 
eralism being  found  at  its  greatest  strength  in  Provi- 
dence and  along  the  seacoast. 


A.     PARTY  DISTRIBUTION,  1811 


B.     LEGISLATIVE  VOTES  ON  RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY 


C.     PARTY  DISTRIBUTION,  MASSACHUSETTS 
1797,   1802,  1807 


D.     PARTY  DISTRIBUTION,  DISTRICT  OF  MAINE 
1797,  1802,  1807 


166  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

Looking  at  New  England  as  a  whole  the  party  group- 
ing becomes  still  clearer.  The  coast  towns,  as  has 
been  already  remarked,  were  for  the  most  part  devoted 
to  commercial  interests,  which  were  strongly  opposed' 
to  the  policy  of  the  Republicans.  The  Lake  Champlain 
region  of  Vermont  with  its  extensive  commerce  with 
Canada  also  shows  strong  Federalist  tendencies.  In 
Maine  the  same  fact  is  apparent,  the  coast  towns  being 
in  marked  contrast  to  the  overwhelmingly  Republican 
character  of  the  interior.  Kendall,  who  visited  the  dis- 
trict in  1807,  found  that  the  region  around  the  lower 
Kennebec  and  Androscoggin,  which  was  devoted  to 
commerce  and  ship  building  was  opposed  to  the  Republi- 
can advocacy  of  war  with  England.1 

There  was,  it  is  true,  considerable  Republican  strength 
along  the  coast,  and  in  the  earlier  years  of  the  move- 
ment the  Federalists  had  remarked  that  it  was  in  the 
seaports    that    "Jacobinism    and    yellow    fever  .were 
endemical."2     Fisher  Ames'  remark  in  regard  to  the 
spread  of  Jacobinism  from  the  "docks  and  mob"  to 
the  rural  population   (1799)   has  already  been  quoted. 
Nantucket  and  Cape  Cod  always  show  Republican  ten- 
dencies,   as    do    Porjtanaottth,    Salem,    and   Marblehead. 
The  outrages  of  England  on  American  shipping  and  the 
fondness  of  the  Federalists  for  that  country  would  prob- 
y)  ably  not  be  agreeable  to  the  seamen  even  if  ship  owners 
)  were  willing  to  endure  them  in  view  of  the  profits  of 
/  commerce. 

The  most  striking  feature  of  the  political  map  of  New 
England  is  the  region  of  the  Connecticut  River,  "whose 
stream  like  the  Nile  in  Egypt  fertilizes  its  banks  from 
its  source  to  the  ocean  and  causes  them  to  produce 
abundant  harvests  of  Federalism  and  unwavering 

1  Travels,  III,  142. 

2  Col.  Centinel,  March  10,  1801.    See  also  Jun«  14,  1797;  March  24,  1802. 


PARTY  DISTRIBUTION  167 

attachment  to  right  principles.  "3  In  Vermont,  always 
a  state  with  strong  Republican  tendencies,  the  division 
of  sentiment  is  plain,  Federalism  flourishing  along  the 
rj>ver.  In  1798  Matthew  Lyon  noted  the  fact  and  blamed 
this  part  of  the  state  for  the  intolerant  measures  of  the 
legislature.  "The  east  has  always  been  considered  as 
the  source  of  light  and  knowledge,  but  taking  a  confined 
view,  circumscribed  by  the  bounds  of  this  state  we  find 
that  source  contaminated  with  falsehood,  darkness, 
ignorance  and  stupidity/'4  A  glance  at  Map  B  shows 
that  this  region  stood  out  against  the  demand  for  reli- 
gious freedom.  It  also  supported  the  Hartford  Con- 
vention, Windham  County,  Vermont,  and  Grafton  and 
Cheshire,  New  Hampshire,  sending  delegates,  while  in 
the  Massachusetts  legislature  the  vote  of  the  representa- 
tives of  the  river  counties  was  overwhelmingly  in  favor 
of  the  convention.5 

The  valley  was  a  distinct  area.  Timothy  Dwight,  to 
whom  the  region  was  the  most  beautiful  and  "respect- 
able" in  New  England,  noted  that  its  inhabitants  pos- 
sessed a  similarity  in  character  throughout  its  whole 
length.  Settlement  had  moved  north  and  most  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  valley  were  also  natives.  Churches, 
schools  and  books  were  abundant,  the  people  were  indus- 
trious and  poverty  unknown.6  "Steadiness  of  char- 
acter, softness  of  manners,  a  disposition  to  read,  respect 
for  the  laws  and  magistrates,  a  strong  sense  of  liberty, 
blended  with  an  equally  strong  sense  of  the  indispen- 
sable importance  of  energetic  government,  are  all 

s  Col.  Centinel,  March  11,  1801. 

4  The  Scourge  of  Aristocracy.  Castleton,  1798,  96.  (In  library  of  Yale 
University.) 

&Hampden,  12-3;  Hampshire,  19-0;  Franklin,  20-2.  House  Journal, 
XXXV.  Appendix,  2d  Session. 

«  Travels,  II,  333-338  passim. 


168  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCEACY 

extensively  predominant  in  this  region.  "7  Contempo- 
rary Republican  opinion  ascribed  its  Federalism  to  the 
conservative  character  of  the  inhabitants  and  the  influ- 
ence over  them  of  the  clergy  and  magistrates.  A  writer 
in  1801  explains  the  matter  by  stating  that  a  few  leaders 
from  Boston  by  joining  the  remnants  of  the  old  Tory 
party  had  swayed  public  opinion  for  many  years  and 
persuaded  the  people  that  the  agricultural  prosperity 
following  the  outbreak  of  war  in  Europe  was  due  to  their 
own  policy.8 

A  similar  opinion  appears  in  New  Hampshire.  Refer- 
ring to  the  large  Federal  towns  on  the  Connecticut  River : 
"We  believe  the  mass  of  the  people  in  these  towns  to 
be  honest  and  well  disposed;  but  the  influence  of  a  few 
designing  men,  federal  lawyers,  shopkeepers  and  clergy- 
men upon  them  is  astonishing.  It  is  sufficient  for  these 
duped  people  that  certain  Earned  men'  have  told  them 
our  rulers  are  under  French  influence  and  infidels  and 
knaves  without  inquiring  further  to  ascertain  the  real 
facts."9  It  is  natural  that  Republicanism  with  its  inde- 
pendence of  thought,  its  contempt  for  tradition  and 
clerical  authority,  should  make  little  headway  among 
such  people  as  compared  with  other  areas. 

Examination  of  Map  A  brings  out  very  clearly  the 
strength  of  Republicanism  extending  in  an  irregular 
belt  across  northern  New  England,  broken  here  and 
there  by  Federalist  areas,  noticeably  by  the  Connecticut 
Valley.  The  Green  Mountain  territory  in  Vermont — the 
Berkshires  in  Massachusetts  form  a  continuation  of  the 

7  Ibid.,  334. 

s  Ind.  Chronicle,  February  5,  1801.     See  also  May  4,  September  24. 

»N.  H.  Patriot,  March  22,  1814.  Cf.  AMES,  Diary,  January  31,  1804. 
"It  is  amazing  to  consider  the  delusion  under  which  the  people  about 
Conn,  river  remain  as  to  politics  by  means  of  aristocratic  papers  and 
preaching.  Mrs.  Wetherby  returned  from  Northampton  says  they  still 
curse  Jefferson  tho '  he  has  denied  himself  the  powers  put  in  his  hands, ' '  etc. 


PARTY  DISTRIBUTION  169 

same  area — northern  and  central  New  Hampshire,  and 
the  interior  of  Maine  were  largely  Republican.  These 
were  the  newer  regions  of  New  England,  settled  largely 
since  the  close  of  the  French  and  Indian  War,  and  still 
more  rapidly  since  1783.  The  influences  which  contrib- 
uted to  the  political  solidarity  of  the  valley  were  here 
lacking.10  The  important  influence  of  Congregational- 
ism was  less  than  in  the  old  settlements,  and  as  has  been 
shown,  it  was  among  the  new  settlements  that  the  Bap- 
tists and  Methodists  made  such  gains.  The  settlers 
were  naturally  men  of  less  property  and  greater  indi- 
viduality, "the  sons  of  resolution,  enterprise  and  indus- 
try," whose  only  luxuries  were  "the  budding  hopes  of 
better  times  and  kinder  moments, "  as  one  writer 
describes  the  settlers  of  Maine.11  Dwight,  in  a  well- 
known  passage  occasioned  by  a  journey  through  Ver- 
mont, has  left  a  Federalist  impression  of  the  character 
of  the  settlers,  "usually  such  as  have  met  with  difficulty 
at  home,"  "the  discontented,  the  enterprising,  the 
ambitious  and  the  covetous."12  The  doctrines  of  Thomas 
Jefferson  were  the  natural  opinions  of  the  outlying 
settlements. 


10  Cf.  the  following  comment  on  the  early  progress  of  the  Republican 
party,  quoted  from  Nat'l  Intelligencer  by  Ind.  Chronicle,   November  15, 
1802.     ' '  To  these  events  a  spirit  of  resistance,  calm,  deliberate,  energetic, 
gradually  arose  which  infused  its  efficacious  influence  through  the  whole 
extent  of  the  union.    From  the  center  it  passed  to  the  borders  of  the  empire 
where  it  acquired  additional  strength.     Remote  from  scenes  of  mercenary 
traffic,  it  found  among  the  independent  yeomanry  minds  unprejudiced  by 
foreign  attachment,  minds  truly  American,  minds  which  for  the  most  part 
had  unfolded  since  the  era  of  independence.     The  honest  exercise  of  an 
independent  and  well  informed  judgment  always  leads  to  truth  and  it  has 
been  the  fortunate  lot  of  our  western  brethren  never  to  disregard  or  dis- 
obey it.     The  western  states  have  always  been  republican.   .    .    .   It  is  to 
these  states  we  owe  much  of  our  political  happiness." 

11  E.  Argus,  January  18,  1810. 

12  Travels,  II,  458. 


170  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

A  comparison  of  the  areas  occupied  by  the  Repub- 
licans and  those  of  the  Anti-federalists  of  1788  shows 
an  interesting  resemblance.  (See  map  in  Libby,  Geo- 
graphical Distribution  of  Vote  on  Federal  Constitu- 
tion.) The  Anti-federalist  region  of  central  New 
Hampshire — an  area  which  Dwight  describes  as  having 
little  connection  with  either  the  western  or  eastern 
counties — is  in  1811  the  stronghold  of  Republicanism 
in  that  state.  In  Massachusetts  the  old  Anti-federalist 
area  shows  a  considerable  shrinkage,  due  probably  to 
the  emigration  of  the  discontented  in  the  years  follow- 
ing the  Shays  Rebellion  and  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution.13 York  County  and  the  interior  settlements  of 
Maine  were  also  Anti-federalist  and  became  Republi- 
can. Rhode  Island  shows  the  old  division,  the  interior 
parts  of  the  state  Anti-federalist  and  Republican,  the 
commercial  regions  Federalist.  In  Connecticut,  Feder- 
alism was  so  predominant  as  to  furnish  little  of  interest 
in  regard  to  distribution.  It  is  curious  to  note  that  as 
in  1788,  West  Springfield,  Mass.,  and  Suffield,  Conn., 
with  a  few  adjoining  towns  form  a  Republican  island  in 
the  Federalist  stream  of  the  Connecticut  Valley. 

As  has  been  already  remarked,  New  England  was  a 
region  of  uniform  character.  The  population  was  almost 
entirely  from  the  same  source;  except  for  the  commer- 
cial and  agricultural  there  were  few,  if  any,  great 
varieties  of  economic  interest,  facts  which  render  a  com- 
plete explanation  of  political  conditions  practically 
impossible.  This  explanation  may  be  sought  in  the  char- 
acter of  local  influences,  leadership,  and  tradition  and 
the  above  is  a  suggestion  as  to  the  more  important  of 
them. 

is  MORSE,  Fed.  Party  in  Mass.,  183,  184. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

I.     The  present  study  has  been  based  very  largely  on  the 
newspapers  of  the  period.    The  following  have  been  used. 

Abbreviations 

A.  A.  S. — American  Antiquarian  Society. 

B.  A. — Boston  Athenaeum. 
Y.  U. — Yale  University. 

B.  P.  L.— Boston  Public  Library. 

R.  I.  H.  S.— Rhode  Island  Historical  Society. 

New  Hampshire  : 

Dartmouth  Gazette,  Hanover,  Fed. 

B.  P.  L.  has  file  1807-1811,  1813. 
New  Hampshire  Gazette,  Portsmouth,  Rep. 

B.  A.  has  excellent  file  of  this  paper  almost  complete 

1800-1815.    The  leading  party  organ  in  the  state. 
New  Hampshire  Patriot,  Concord,  Rep. 

A.    A.    S.    file    covers   period    1809-1815,    many    defi- 
ciencies.   Particularly  good  for  war  period. 
Oracle  of  the  Day,  Portsmouth    (after  1803,  Portsmouth 
Oracle),  Fed. 

Y.  U.  file  covers  1796-1800,  1801-1809. 
Political  Observatory,  "Walpole,  Rep. 
A  AS.  has  file  1803-1804. 

Vermont : 

Spooner's  Vermont  Journal,  Windsor,  Rep. 

A.  A.  S.  has  incomplete  files  covering  the  period.     Is 
a  valuable  source  of  information  for  Vermont  affairs. 

Freeman's  Press,  Montpelier,  Fed. 

B.  P.  L.  file  1809-1811. 
Vermont  Republican,  Windsor. 

A.  A.  S.  file  covers  1809-1815. 

t 


174  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

Massachusetts : 

Boston  Patriot,  Rep. 

B.  P.  L.  file  complete,  1809-1815. 
Columbian  Centinel,  Boston,  Fed. 

B.  P.  L.  file  complete,  1790-1815.     One  of  the  best 
sources  for  New  England  political  history  at  this 
time.    Has  considerable  information  on  matters  out- 
side of  Massachusetts. 
Eastern  Argus,  Portland,  Rep. 

B.  A.  file  complete,  1803-1811.  B.  P.  L.,  1812-1814. 
Has  a  great  deal  of  valuable  information  on  District 
of  Maine. 

Independent  Chronicle  and  Universal  Advertiser,  Boston, 
Rep. 

B.  P.  L.  files  complete,  1790-1815.    The  most  important 

Republican  paper  in  New  England. 
Massachusetts  Spy,  "Worcester,  Fed. 

B.  P.  L.  has  almost  complete  file  for  entire  period. 
An  ably  edited  paper  with  good  quotations  from 
contemporaries. 
National  Aegis,  Worcester,  Rep. 

B.  P.  L.  file  1801-1815. 
New  England  Palladium,  Boston,  Fed. 
B.  A.  has  excellent  file,  1801-1815. 
Portland  Gazette,  Portland,  Fed. 

B.  P.  L.  file  1806-1807,  1810-1811. 
Salem  Register,  Rep.,  1800-1815. 

B.  P.  L.  file  excellent  except  for  1806. 

Rhode  Island: 

United  States  Chronicle,  Providence,  Fed. 

Y.  U.  file  1788-1797,  1799-1800. 
Providence  Phoenix,  Providence,  Rep. 

R.  I.  H.  S.  file,  1802-1808. 
Rhode  Island  Republican,  Newport,  Rep. 

Y.  U.  file,  1809-1815. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  175 

Connecticut : 

Connecticut  Courant,  Hartford,  Fed. 

Y.  U.  file  complete,  1790-1815.    A  very  valuable  source 
for  New  England  politics,  ranking  with  Col.  Centinel. 
American  Mercury,  Hartford,  Rep. 

Y.  U.  file  complete,  1790-1815.    One  of  the  best  Repub- 
lican papers. 

II.  Of  the  legislative  journals,  only  those  of  Vermont  and 
New  Hampshire  have  been  printed.     Those  of  the  other  states 
are  available  in  manuscript. 

The  Records  of  the  Council  of  Safety  and  Governor  and 
Council  of  the  State  of  Vermont.  8  vols.  Montpelier,  1873- 
1880.  Vols.  IV- VI  cover  this  period.  This  is  a  very  useful 
publication  containing  biographical  sketches  and  other  mate- 
rial necessary  to  a  study  of  Vermont  politics. 

Election  returns  have  been  preserved  only  in  Massachusetts, 
and  in  New  Hampshire  after  1802. 

The  Massachusetts  State  Library  has,  practically  complete, 
the  published  acts  and  resolves  of  the  New  England  states  for 
this  period. 

III.  General  works  on  this  period  have  tended  to  look  only 
at  the  larger  aspects  of  party  history. 

ADAMS,  HENRY.  History  of  the  United  States.  9  vols.  New 
York,  1889-1891.  Is  indispensable  for  any  study  of  the 
period. 

BEARD,  C.  E.  The  Economic  Origins  of  Jeffersonian  Democracy. 
New  York,  1915.  The  most  recent  and  suggestive  contri- 
bution to  the  subject. 

HILDRETH,  RICHARD.  History  of  the  United  States.  6  vols. 
New  York,  1849-1856.  His  treatment  of  political  parties  is 
clear  and  comprehensive,  though  showing  a  Federalist  bias. 

MCMASTER,  J.  B.  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States 
from  the  Revolution  to  the  Civil  War.  8  vols.  New  York, 
1883-1913.  Is  valuable  as  showing  American  habits  and 
opinions  during  the  period. 


176  JEFFERSONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

WINSOR,  JUSTIN.  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America. 
8  vols.  Boston,  1884-1889.  Vol.  VII,  pp.  267-278,  has  an 
interesting  sketch  of  Federalist  and  Republican  parties 
by  Alexander  Johnston.  Bibliographical  notes,  294-330. 

Local  and  state  histories  are  of  little  value.  The  following 
however  furnish  some  useful  information: 

BARRY,  J.  S.  History  of  Massachusetts.  3  vols.  Boston,  1855- 
1857.  Vol.  Ill  deals  with  Commonwealth  period  to  1820. 

HOLLAND,  J.  S.  History  of  Western  Massachusetts.  2  vols. 
Springfield,  1855. 

HOLLISTER,  G.  H.  History  of  Connecticut,  from  the  First  Set- 
tlement of  the  Colony.  2  vols.  Hartford,  1857. 

THOMPSON,  ZADOCK.  .  History  of  Vermont,  Natural,  Civil,  and 
Statistical.  Burlington,  1842. 

WILLIAMSON,  W.  D.  History  of  the  State  of  Maine.  2  vols. 
Hallowell,  1832. 

IV.  The  letters  of  the  period  contain  little  information  on 
local  affairs.  The  great  Pickering  Collection,  in  possession  of 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  deals  almost  entirely  with 
matters  of  national  interest.  The  Plumer  MSS.  and  Jefferson 
Papers  in  the  Library  of  Congress  contain  some  material  of 
value. 

ADAMS,  H.  Documents  relating  to  New  England  Federalism, 
1800-1815.  Boston,  1877. 

AMES,  NATHANIEL.  Diary.  MSS.  in  possession  of  Dedham 
Historical  Society.  Extracts  published  in  Dedham  His- 
torical Register,  I-XIV.  Throws  considerable  light  on  the 
opinions  of  a  radical  Republican. 

AMES,  S.  Works  of  Fisher  Ames.  2  vols.  Boston,  1854.  Valu- 
able as  illustrating  Federalist  opinion  and  containing  inci- 
dental references  to  local  affairs. 

BENTLEY,  W.  J.  Diary.  Published  by  Essex  Institute.  4  vols. 
Salem,  1905-1914.  An  invaluable  source  of  information  on 
religious,  political,  and  social  conditions  in  New  England, 
1783-1819. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  177 

GIBBS,  G.  Memoirs  of  the  Administrations  of  Washington  and 
John  Adams.  New  York,  1846. 

JEFFERSON.  Writings.  Washington  ed.  9  vols.  New  York, 
1861.  Ford  ed.  10  vols.  New  York,  1892-1899.  Jefferson 
kept  a  close  watch  on  New  England  politics  and  occasion- 
ally makes  some  interesting  observations. 

LODGE,  H.  C.  The  Life  and  Letters  of  George  Cabot.  Boston, 
1895. 


V.  Biographies  throw  little  light  on  New  England  Repub- 
licanism. The  biographies  of  Timothy  Pickering,  Jeremiah 
Smith,  Josiah  Quincy,  Manasseh  Cutler,  Stephen  Higginson  and 
other  Federalists  pay  little  or  no  attention  to  the  opposing 
party.  The  recently  published  Life  and  Letters  of  Harrison 
Gray  Otis,  by  S.  E.  Morison,  Boston,  1913,  is  a  valuable  addi- 
tion to  the  political  history  of  Federalism  of  this  period.  The 
following  are  practically  the  only  biographies  of  New  England 
Republicans. 

AMOBY,  T.  C.    Life  of  James  Sullivan.    2  vols.    Boston,  1859. 
AUSTIN,  J.  T.     The  Life  of  Elbridge  Gerry.     2  vols.     Boston, 

1828-1829.     The  latter  part  of  Gerry's  career  has  been 

slighted. 
MCLAUGHLIN,  J.  F.    Matthew  Lyon,  the  Hampden  of  Congress : 

a  Biography.     New  York,  1900.     The  interest  is  largely 

personal,  and  no  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  background 

of  Lyon's  career. 

PLUMER,  WILLIAM,  JR.    Life  of  William  Plumer.    Boston,  1857. 
STORY,  W.  W.     Life  and  Letters  of  Joseph  Story.     2  vols. 

Boston,  1851. 

Concise  information  on  most  of  the  characters  prominent  in 
politics  of  this  period  is  given  in  Appleton's  National  Cyclo- 
pedia of  American  Biography.  14  vols.  New  York,  1898-1906. 
Town  and  other  local  histories  frequently  furnish  biographical 
information. 


178  JEFFEESONIAN  DEMOCRACY 

VI.  Interesting  descriptive  material  occurs  in  the  following : 

DWIGHT,  TIMOTHY.     Travels  in  New  England  and  New  York. 

4  vols.    New  Haven,  1821-1822. 
KENDALL,  EDWARD  A.     Travels  through  the  Northern  Parts  of 

the  United  States,  in  the  Years  1807  and  1808.     3  vols. 

New  York,  1809. 

COFFIN,  P.     Memoir  and  Journals.     Coll.  Me.  Hist.  Soc.,  IV. 
BOBBINS,  T.    Diary.    Edited  by  I.  N.  Tar  box.    2  vols.    Boston, 

1886-1887.    Vol.  I  covers  1796-1825. 

VII.  The  following  have  considerable  information  on  reli- 
gious questions  and  the  growth  of  dissent. 

Asbury's  Journal.     3  vols.     New  York,  1821.     An  account  of 

missionary  labors  in  New  England. 

BENEDICT,  DAVID.     A  General  History  of  the  Baptist  Denomi- 
nation in  America  and  other  parts  of  the  world.     Boston, 
1813. 
BURBAGE,  HENRY  S.    A  History  of  the  Baptists  in  New  England. 

Philadelphia,  1894. 
STEVENS,  ABEL.     Memorials  of  the  Introduction  of  Methodism 

into  the  Eastern  States.    Boston,  1843. 
Memorials  of  the  Early  Progress  of  Methodism  in  the  Eastern 

States.     Boston,  1852. 

The  Life,  Conversion,  Preaching,  Travels  and  Sufferings  of  Elias 
Smith.  Written  by  himself.  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  1816.  The 
autobiography  of  a  prominent  leader  in  the  movement  for 
religious  liberty. 

No  attempt  is  here  made  to  enumerate  sermons.     The  Mas- 
sachusetts  State  Library  has  a  complete  file  of  the  election 
sermons  of  this  period  for  both  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut. 
See  MORSE,  Federal  Party  in  Massachusetts,  194-205,  for  list 
of  printed  sermons. 

VIII.  The  following  special  studies  are  very  helpful  in  their 
respective  fields. 

ALLEN,  W.    Bingham  Land.     In  Collections  of  Me.  Hist.  Soc., 

VII. 
DALLINGER,  F.   W.     Nominations   for  Elective   Offices  in  the 

United  States.    New  York,  1897. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  179 

BATES,  F.  G.    Rhode  Island  and  the  Formation  of  the  Union. 

New  York,  1898. 
BEARD,  C.  A.    The  Economic  Origins  of  Jeffersonian  Democracy. 

New  York,  1915. 

GREENE,  M.  L.    The  Development  of  Religious  Liberty  in  Con- 
necticut.   Cambridge,  1905. 
HAZEN,  C.  D.     Contemporary  American  Opinion  of  the  French 

Revolution.      Johns   Hopkins   University    Studies.      Extra 

volume  XVI.    Baltimore,  1897. 

LAUER,  P.  E.    Church  and  State  in  New  England.    Johns  Hop- 
kins University  Studies.     Baltimore,  1892. 
LUETSCHER,  S.  D.     Early  Political  Machinery  in  the  United 

States.    Philadelphia,  1903. 
LIBBY,  0.  G.     The  Geographical  Distribution  of  the  Vote  of 

Thirteen   States  on  the   Federal   Constitution,   1787-1788. 

Madison,  Wis.,  1894. 
MORSE,  A.  E.     The  Federalist  Party  in  Massachusetts  to  the 

year  1800.    Princeton,  1909. 
STAN  WOOD,  E.     The  Massachusetts  Election  in  1806.     In  Proc. 

of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.,  2d  Series,  XX. 
The  Separation  of  Maine  from  Massachusetts.    Ibid.,  3d  Series, 

I. 
WELLING,  J.  C.     Connecticut  Federalism.    In  Addresses,  lectures 

and  other  papers.     Cambridge,  1904. 

IX.  The  pamphlet  literature  of  the  period  is  extensive. 
The  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  the  Boston  Atheneum, 
and  American  Antiquarian  Society  have  extensive  collections 
of  pamphlets  and  broadsides.  The  Yale  University  Library 
is  rich  in  Connecticut  material.  The  chronological  classification 
adopted  by  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  for  the  period 
prior  to  1820  makes  their  collection  more  readily  accessible  to 
the  investigator.  This  class  of  material  is,  in  general,  of  the 
most  ephemeral  character,  but  illustrates  phases  of  public 
opinion.  Such  tracts  as  have  been  used  in  the  course  of  this 
study  have  been  given  by  full  title  in  text  or  footnotes  and  are 
here  omitted. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Adams,  John 

re-elected  Vice  President,  9 

supported  by  New  England,  13 

administration  of,  14 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  60,  83,  117 
Adams,  Samuel,  12 
Agricultural     interests,     Kepublican 

support  of,  99  ff. 
American  Mercury 

on    Eepublican    progress    in    Con- 
necticut, 31 

on  Jefferson's  success  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 51 

on  class  rule,  112 

on  universal  suffrage,  123 

on  Federalist  disloyalty,  157 
Ames,  Fisher 

member  of  first  Congress,  1 

contest  with  Charles  Jarvis,  10 

on  situation  1798,  24 

on  Jacobinism,  32,  36 

on  importance  of  state  control,  36 

on  the  press,  68 

forecast  of  Jefferson  administra- 
tion, 76 

on  Federalist  Party,  76 

on  Democracy,  109 
Ames,  Nathaniel 

on  Massachusetts  resolutions,  1798, 
19 

on  taxation,  25 

on  popular  restiveness,  1800,  31 

on  committee  functions,  65 

distributes  party  literature,  1800, 
68 

on  Democracy,  109 

on  lawyers,  134 

on  clerical  politicians,  134 


Anti-federalism 

influence    in    early    Congressional 

elections,  5 

comparison  of  areas  of  with  Re- 
publican, 168 
Aristocracy 

Kepublican   opposition   to,    4,    23, 

lllff. 

Independent  Chronicle  on,  98 
Abraham  Bishop  on,  111 
William  Bentley  on,  127 
clergy  and,  138 
Austin,  Charles,  120 

Bacon,  John,  23 
Banking 

importance    of    question    in    New 
Hampshire,  29,  53,  103 

William  Plumer  on,  53 

Eepublican  hostility  to,  102  ff. 
Baptists 

Bentley  on,  137 

growth  in  numbers,  136 

strength   in    frontier    settlements, 
137,  140 

Eepublicanism  of,  141,  143  ff. 
Bentley,  William 

on  Jay  Treaty,  11 

on  hostilities  with  France,  25 

on  electioneering,  1800,  29 

on  election  of  1808,  83 

on  Republican  personnel,  106 

on  James  Sullivan,  117 

on  judiciary,  118 

on  aristocracy,  127 

on  clerical  intolerance,  133,  142 

on  dissenting  sects,  137  ff. 
Berkshire  County,  Massachusetts,  15, 
20,  90,  168 


184 


INDEX 


Betterment  Law,  87 
Bidwell,  Barnabas,  126 
Bingham  lands,  44 
Bishop,  Abraham 

on    Eepublican    origin    and    pro- 
gress, 102 

on  aristocracy,  111 

on  election  sermons,  131 

on  clergy,  135 

Bishop,  Phanuel,  7,  19,  20,  34 
Bourne,  Benjamin,  5 
Boston 

Democratic  club  in,  10 

Federalist  strength  in,  41,  102 

increases     legislative     representa- 
tion, 86 

Republican  hostility  toward,  102 
Bowdoin,  James,  3 
Bristol  County,  Massachusetts,  7,  15, 

40,  155 
British 

Federalist  sympathy  for,  88,  100 

conquest  of  eastern  Maine,  94 
Burr,  Aaron,  28 

Cabot,  George 

comment   on   Federalist   strength, 

16 
Caucus 

introduction  of,  29,  78 
legislative,  56  ff. 

comparison  of  Federalist  and  Re- 
publican, 58 

Chesapeake,  attack  on,  79 
Chittenden,   Thomas,   governor   Ver- 
mont, 3,  12 
Clergy 

Federalism  of,  129  ff. 
attitude    toward    French    Revolu- 
tion, 129 

hostility  to  Republicanism,  129  ff. 
Thomas  Jefferson  on,  130 
opposition  to  Jefferson,  131 
Nathaniel  Ames  on,  134 


Abraham  Bishop  on,  135 

Levi  Lincoln  attacks,  135 
Cobb,  David,  44 
Coit,  Joshua,  6 
Commerce 

relation  to  Federalism,  98  ff . 

Republican  hostility  to,  100  ff. 
Committees 

party   (see  Party  organization) 

of  public  safety,  92 
Columbian  Centinel 

on  party  names,  7 

on  Republican  movement,  1800,  27 

on  Rhode  Island,  37 

on  embargo,  80 

on  Republican  character,  107 
Congregational  church 

political    importance    of,    128  ff., 
138 


party  in  early  sessions,  1 
New  England  supports  early  ses- 
sions, 8 

growth  of  popular  interest  in,  11 
methods  of  election  to,  19,  2^,  32, 

40,  60,  86 
repeals  embargo,  84 

Connecticut 

political  apathy  in,  4 
family  influence  in,  4,  112 
election  address  in  1790,  6 
western  land  question,  12 
politics,  1798,  in,  20 
election,  laws  in,  39,  114 
Republican  Party  growth  in,  39 
conservatism  of,  40 
religious  liberty  in,  40,  147  ff. 
Federalist  address  to,  1803,  57 
party  organization  in,  62 
increase  of  voting,  74 
Republican  collapse  in,  1810,  85 
suffrage  question  in,  121  ff. 
embargo  in,  82,  156 

Connecticut  Courant 

on  political  situation,  1798,  20 


INDEX 


185 


on    early    Eepublican    movement, 
28,  41 

on  Republican  membership,  107 
Connecticut  valley 

Federalism  of,  166 

Timothy  D wight  on,  167 
Cook,  Orchard,  40 
Corporations 

Republican  hostility  to,  103  ff. 
County  conventions,  59  ff. 
Crowninshield,  Jacob,  34 
Cutler,  Manasseh,  83 

Dearborn,  Henry,  11,  19 
Democracy 

contemporary  opinion  of,  32,  78, 

109,  127 

Democratic  clubs,  10,  67 
Democratic   Party    (see   Republican 

Party) 

Dexter,  Samuel,  13,  92,  115 
Dissenting  Sects 

growth  of,  137 

Bentley  on,  137  ff. 

character  of,  140  ff. 

Republicanism  of,  141 
Dwight,  Timothy 

on  religious  conditions  in  northern 
settlements,  136 

Federalist  champion,  145 

on  Connecticut  valley,  167 

on  northern  settlements,  169 

Eastern  Argus 

founding  of,  44 

on  Massachusetts  land  policy,  44 

on  banks  and  corporations,  103  ff. 

on  election  laws,  124 
Edwards,  Pierpont,  28,  66,  130 
Elections 

early  lack  of  interest  in,  3 

growth  of  interest  in,  10,  74 

in  1800,  27-35 

laws,  Connecticut,  114,  122 

laws,  Massachusetts,  87 


character  of,  71 

intimidation  in,  73,  114 

during  war  of  1812,  99  ff. 
Electioneering    (see    Party    Organi- 
zation) 
Embargo 

adopted  by  Congress,  79 

effect  on  Republican  Party,  79  ff., 


Ipswich  Resolutions  on,  80 

opposition  to  in  Vermont,  82 

Manasseh  Cutler  on,  83 

repeal  of,  84 

Republican  loyalty  during,  84,  155 
Episcopal  Church,  129 
Essex  County,  Massachusetts,  48,  80 
Essex  Junto,  50 
Essex  admiralty  decision,  79 
Eustis,  William,  34,  41,  113 
Excise  law,  8 

Family,   influence  of   in  politics,  4, 

7,  112 

Federal  Constitution,  2,  129 
Federalist  Party 

ascendancy  in  New  England,  1796- 

1800,  13,  35 

arrogance  of,  21,  23,  107,  126 
character  in  Connecticut,  40 
decline  in  New  Hampshire,  1806, 

47 

sectionalism  of,  51,  151 
conception  of  opposition,  52 
organization  of,  64 
superiority  of  press,  69 
election  statistics  of,  74 
Fisher  Ames  on,  76 
revival  of  power,   1808-1815,   76- 

94  passim 

Republican  opinion  of,  108 
strength    in    commercial    centers, 

101  . 

character  of  membership,  110  *** 
supported  by  lawyers,  110,  114 
opposition     to     liberal     suffrage, 
121  ff. 


186 


INDEX 


relations     with     clergy,     128-150 

passim 

distribution  of,  161  ff. 
Fenner,     Arthur,     governor     Rhode 

Island,  18,  37,  81,  101 
Fenner,     James,     governor     Rhode 

Island,  37,  81,  85 
Foreign  policy 

effect  on  politics,  1793,  8,  9 
effect  on  politics,  1798,  14,  15 
in  Jefferson's  second  administra- 
tion, 78 
Foster,     Theodore,     senator     Rhode 

Island,  5 
Fourth  of  March 

Republican  observance  of,  65 
Fourth  of  July 

party  celebrations  on,  67 
France 

Republican  sympathy  for,  10,  129 

hostilities  with,  15 

clerical  hostility  toward,  129 

Galusha,  Jonas,   governor  Vermont, 

84 
Gerry,  Elbridge 

member  Congress,  1789,  5 

candidate  for  governorship  Massa- 
chusetts, 32,  42 

on  the  press,  68 

elected  governor,  85 

character  of  administration,  87 

on  preservation  of  the  Union,  156 
Gerrymander,  87 
Gilman,  John  Taylor,  governor  New 

Hampshire,  33,  47,  50 
Gilman,  Nicholas,  5 
Gore,  Christopher,  84 
Governors 

long  terms  in  New  England,  3 
Granger,  Gideon 

candidate,    Congress,   Connecticut, 
1798,  17 

Jefferson's  letter  to,  36 

on  power  of  the  press,  68 


opposition     to     Connecticut     land 
policy,  145 

on  New  England  character,  151 
Gray,  William  L.,  83 
Griswold,  Roger,  86 
Griswold,  Stanley,  132 
Grout,  Jonathan,  5 

Hampshire    County,    Massachusetts, 

41,  156 

Hancock,  John,  3,  5 
Hartford  Convention,  94,  157 
Heath,  General  William 

candidate,     Congress,     Massachu- 
setts, 20 

candidate  governor,  32 
Hill,  Isaac,  29 
Hutchinson,  Titus,  105 

Ilsley,  Daniel,  19 
Independent  Chronicle 

on  party  names,  7 

attack  on  Fisher  Ames,  10 

on  Republican  growth,  75,  106 

on  aristocracy,  98 

on  the  judiciary,  119 

on  clergy,  134 

Intimidation   (see  Elections) 
Ipswich,  Massachusetts 

Republican  Convention  at,  80 


in  Connecticut,  40 

absence  in  state  politics,  40,  49, 

77 

Jacobin,    synonym    for    Republican, 

7,  24,  96 

Jacobinism,  principles   of,   23,   96 
Jarvis,  Charles,  10,  11 
Jay  Treaty,  11,  15,  99 
Jefferson,  Thomas 

observations  on  political  situation, 

1798,  11,  26 
on    importance    of    winning    New 

England,  36 


INDEX 


187 


on   success   in   Khode   Island   and 

Vermont,   37 

reasons  for  success  of,  51 
character  of  first   administration, 

51 

second  administration  of,  76 
on  clerical  influence,  130 
hostility  of  clergy  toward,  132 
popularity  with  Dissenters,  141 
Judiciary 

Eepubliean  distrust  of,  117  ff. 
proposal  for  election  of,  118 

Kendall,  Edward 

on  party  principles,  95  ff. 

on  Eepubliean  Party,  96,  158 

on  lawyers,  114 

on  Dissenters,  140 
Kennebunk,  Maine 

Republican  celebration  at,  66 
Kentucky  Resolutions   (see  Virginia 

and  Kentucky  Resolutions) 
King,  William,  44 
Kirby,  Ephraim 

Republican     leader,     Connecticut, 
28,  105 

on  universal  suffrage,  122 

opposes  land  policy,  145 
Knox,  General,  46,  100 

Langdon,  John 

senator  from  New  Hampshire,  5, 
13 

opposes  Jay  Treaty,  11 

on  banking  question,  29 

governor,  47,  85,  86 

character  of  administration,  77 
Langdon,  Woodbury,  16,  84 
Lawyers 

Federalist  sympathies  of,  113,  116 

Republican  hostility  toward,  114  ff. 
Lee,  Jesse 

apostle  of  Methodism,  136 
Legislative  Caucus  (see  Caucus) 
Legislatures 


endorsements  of  President,  18,  19, 

37,  38,  47 

action  on  Virginia  and  Kentucky 
Resolutions,  22 

Leland,  John 

on  judiciary,  119 

leader  for  religious  liberty,  145 

Liberty  poles,  21,  24 

Lincoln,  Levi 

elected  Congress,  1800,  34 
on  intimidation  in  elections,  73 
governor  Massachusetts,  84 
opposes  clergy,  135 

Lithgow,  William,  99 

Litchfield,  Connecticut,   17,   105 

Louisiana 

purchase  of,  50,  153 
Republicans    celebrate    acquisition 
of,  67 

Lyon,  Matthew 

elected  Congress,  13 
political  activity  of,  21,  27 
prosecuted  under  Sedition  Act,  22 
sends  papers  to  Connecticut,  67 
on  party  distributions  in  Vermont, 
167 

Madison,  James,  17,  82 
Maine 

friction    with    Massachusetts,    42, 

46,  102 

land  policy  in,  43,  45 
Republican  strength  in,  46,  87 
loyalty  during  war  of  1812,  93,  94 
religious  conditions  in,  137 
opposition    to    Hartford    Conven- 
tion, 157 
Massachusetts 

Hancock  and  Bowdoin  factions  in, 

3 

beginnings  of  party,  12,  32 
legislative  caucus  in,  28,  57,  59 
increase  of  voting  in,  30,  74 
Virginia    and    Kentucky    Resolu- 
tions in,  22,  152 


188 


INDEX 


friction  with  Maine,  42,  46,  102 
party  machinery  in,  57-75  passim 
Eepublican  progress  in,  78 
Washington     Benevolent     Society 

in,  89 

politics  during  war  of  1812,  92 
State  Bank,  103 
suffrage  question  in,  124 
religious  liberty  in,  144,  147 
Massachusetts  Mercury,  on  basis  of 

party,  53 
Middlesex     County,     Massachusetts, 

15,  19,  32 
Methodism,  136,  138 

Navy 

Eepublican  opposition  to,  100 

Newspapers 

importance  of,  67 
political  comments  on,  68 
Republican   activity   in   founding, 
69 

New  Hampshire 

political  apathy  in,  4,  12 
beginnings  of  party  in,  29 
banking  question,  29,  53,  103 
Republican  success  in,  47 
Republican  strength  in,  47,  84 
legislative  caucus,  59 
party  organization  in,  62 
Washington     Benevolent     Society 

in,  89 

politics  during  war  of  1812,  93 
religious  liberty  in,  147 
suffrage  in,  121 

New  Hampshire  Patriot 

on  growth  of  Republicanism,  75 
on     Washington     Benevolent     So- 
ciety, 90 

New  Haven,  Connecticut 
Republican  caucus  at,  27 
Republican  celebration  at,  66 
Federalism  in,  101 

Nomination,  methods  of,  56,  64 

Non-Intercourse  law,  85. 


Organization  (see  Party) 
/Otis,  Harrison  Gray,  20 

Parris,  Albion  K.,  94 
Party 

beginnings  of,  1,  9,  12 

paper  money,  2 

names,  7 

early  conception  of,  52 

methods  and  organization,  52-75, 

89 

effect  on  town  politics,  61 
principles,  77,  95  ff. 
social    and    commercial    basis    of, 

95-127 

Edward  Kendall  on,  95  ff. 
distribution  of,  160-170 
Pennsylvania,  4,  166,  126 
Plumer,  William 

on  increase  in  voting,  4 

on     banking     question     in     New 

Hampshire,  53,  54 
on  party  divisions,  54 
joins  Republicans,  83 
governor,  89 
Portsmouth,    New    Hampshire,    16, 

29,  166 

Portland,  Maine,  102 
President 

resolutions    of    confidence    in,    18, 

19,  37,  38,  47 
Presidential  Electors 

methods  of  choice,  28,  32,  34,  48, 

59,  82 
Property 

relation  to  party,  96  ff. 
qualifications  for  suffrage,  71,  121- 

126 
Providence,  Rhode  Island,  35,  101 

Quiddism,  81 

Religious  liberty 

Republican   demand  for,   78,   128- 
150 


INDEX 


189 


Removals  from  office,  21,  86 

Republican  Party 
beginnings,   1-13 
growth,  1797-1800,  14-35 
growth,  1800-1807,  36-51 
organi2ation  and  methods,  52-75 
basis  of,  95-127 
and  religious  liberty,  128-150 
and  nationalism,  150-159 
distribution  of,  160-170  ., 

Revivals,  136 

Revolutionary  War 
effects  of,  2 
religious  conditions  after,  129,  135 

Rhode  Island 

paper  money  party  in,  2 
Federalists  control,  1798,  20 
carried  by  Republicans,  1801,  37 
legislative  caucus  in,  56 
Tammany  Societies  in,  67,  89 
Federalists  regain,  81 
third  parties  in,  81 
rural  vs.  commercial  interests,  101 
suffrage  question,  125 

Robinson,  Moses,  11,  16 

Robbins,  Thomas 

missionary  in  Vermont,  137 

Seaver,  Ebenezer,  19 

Sectionalism    of    Federalist    Party, 

51 

Sedition  Law,  22,  24 
Sedgwick,  Theodore,  20 
Sermons,  political,  131 
Shays  Rebellion,  2,  129 
Skinner,  Thompson  J.,  13,  126 
Smith,  Elias 

Baptist  leader,  139 

on  Jefferson,  146 

on  religious  liberty,  146 
Smith,  Israel,  13 
Smith,  Jeremiah,  13,  63 
Societies,  political,  10,  67,  89 
South 

Federalist  hostility  toward,  152  ff. 


Sprague,  Peleg,  16 

Stand-up  Law,  Connecticut,  61,  114 

Stanton,  Joseph,  5 

State  governments 

narrow  range  of,  2 

political  importance  of,   26,  29 
Story,  Joseph,  118 
Strong,  Caleb 

nomination  by  legislative  caucus, 
1800,  28 

governor    Massachusetts,    33,    42, 
45,  47,  50,  88 

administration  during  war  of  1812, 

92 
Suffrage 

qualifications,  3,  71  ff. 

demand  for  more  liberal,  99,  121- 

126 
Sullivan,  James 

candidate  governor  Massachusetts, 
15,  42 

elected  1807,  47 

attacks  on  character,  50 

Bentley's  comment  on,  117 

death,  84 
Sumner,  Increase,  15,  18,  33 

Tammany  Societies,  67,  89 

Taxation 

effect  on  politics,  1798,  17,  23,  25 
for  religious  purposes,   144-149 

Tichenor,  Isaac,   governor  Vermont, 
12,  16,  33,  138 

Tracy,  Uriah,  on  Republican  Party, 
105 

Treadwell,  Governor,  Connecticut,  85 

Trumbull,  Jonathan,  28,  38 

Town  meeting 

growth  of  party  affects,  61 
influence  of  leaders  in,  113 

Union 

Republican  loyalty  to,  94,  152  ff. 
Federalist  conspiracy  against,  153 
Elbridge  Gerry  on,  68 


190 


INDEX 


Varnum,  Joseph,  13,  34,  92,  115 

Vermont 

early  representation  in  Congress, 

6 

Democratic  clubs  in,  10 
^ — 'politics  in,  1798^107 

opposition  to  stamp  tax,  21,  25 
carried  by  Republicans,  1801,  38 
legislative  caucus  in,  57 
increase  of  voting  in,  74 
religious  liberty  in,  78,  147 
effects  of  embargo  in,  82 
Washington      Benevolent    Society 

in,  89 

State  Bank,  105 
religious  conditions  in,  137 

Virginia 

Federalist  hostility  toward,   152 

Virginia  and  Kentucky  Eesolutions, 
22,  152 


Voting 

lack  of  interest  in,  3 
increase  during  Eepublican  move- 
ment, 74 
decline  of,  during  war  of  1812,  91 

Wallingford,  Vermont,  21 
War  of  1812 

politics  during,  89,  94 

Eepublican  loyalty  during,  91-94 
Washington  Benevolent  Society,  89- 

91 

Webster,  Daniel,  116 
Webster,  Noah 

on  election  laws,  61 

on  universal  suffrage,  122 
Weston,  Nathan,  45 
Wolcott,  Alexander,  128 

X.  Y.  Z.  affair,  17 


TTCT? 


RETURN     CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT 

TO—  *     202  Main  Library 

LOAN  PERIOD  1 
HOME  USE 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS 

1  -month  loans  may  be  renewed  by  calling  642-3405 

6-month  loans  may  be  recharged  by  bringing  books  to  Circulation  Desk 

Renewals  and  recharges  may  be  made  4  days  prior  to  due  date 

DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 


AUG141983    9 

)• 

rtfd  eirc.  JUN  1  0  « 

83 

!JUN  0  7  2004 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  BERKELEY 
FORM  NO.  DD6,  60m,  12/80        BERKELEY,  CA  94720 


®$ 


LD  21A-60m-7,'66 
(G4427slO)476B 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


YC  39565 


